INDIA ASSESSMENT Version 4 September 1999 Country Information and Policy Unit

1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources.

1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive, nor is it intended to catalogue all human rights violations. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum claims made in the United Kingdom. It represents the current assessment by the Immigration & Nationality Directorate of the general socio-political and human rights situation in the country.

1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain.

1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a 6-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum producing countries in the United Kingdom.

1.5 The assessment will be placed on the Internet (http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/cipu1.htm). An electronic copy of the assessment has been made available to the following organisations:

Amnesty International UK

Immigration Advisory Service

Immigration Appellate Authority

Immigration Law Practitioners' Association

Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants

JUSTICE

Medical Foundation for the care of Victims of Torture

Refugee Council

Refugee Legal Centre

UN High Commissioner for Refugees

2.1 India forms a natural sub-continent with the Himalayas to the north. The Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal, which are sections of the Indian Ocean, lie to the west and east respectively. India's neighbours are China (Tibet), Bhutan and Nepal to the north, Pakistan to the north-west, and Burma to the north-east. To the east, almost surrounded by India, is Bangladesh. Near India's southern tip, across the Palk Strait, is Sri Lanka. [1]

2.2 India covers an area of 3,287,263 square kilometres (1,269,219 square miles). In mid-1997 the population was estimated to be 948 million. Although the growth rate has declined marginally the population still increases by about 24% each decade. It is expected to top one billion around the turn of the century. The capital is New Delhi. [1]

2.3 India is a mosaic of different cultures, ethnic groups, languages and religions.

2.4 The official language of India is Hindi written in the Devanagari script and spoken by some 30% of the population as a first language. Since 1965 English has been recognised as an "associated language". In addition there are 18 main and regional languages recognised for adoption as official state languages. There are another 24 languages, 720 dialects and 23 tribal languages.

2.5 Among the main languages are Bengali (8.2%), Marathi (7.7%) Urdu (5.2%), Gujarati (4.7%), Bihari (3.8%), Oriya (3.6%), Telugu (3.5%), Tamil (3.2%) and Punjabi (3.0%). Other languages include Assamese, Kannada, Rajasthani and Kashmiri. Bihari and Rajasthani are variants of Hindi. [1]

2.6 More than 180 million people in India (out of a total population of 948 million) regard Hindi as their mother tongue. Another 300 million use it as a second language. There is controversy about the status of Punjabi, which can be considered as a dialect of Hindi, or as an independent language. A 1997 survey found that 66% of all Indians can speak Hindi, and 77% of Indians regard Hindi as "one language across the nation". [31]

See also Section 5.8 Religious Minorities

III HISTORY (Sources: [1] & [7j] unless otherwise stated)

For information on Indian history up until 1996, please refer to the Europa World Yearbook (source [1]) or Annex C: Chronology.

3.1 Congress (I) government entered the May 1996 general elections with its morale at a low ebb and many of its senior leaders at odds with the Prime Minister, Narasimha Rao. Breakaway parties had been formed in the north, in Madhya Pradesh and in Tamil Nadu - the last in response to Narasimha Rao's decision to have an electoral alliance with the deeply unpopular Tamil regional party, the AIADMK, then ruling the state. Congress won only 139 seats, its poorest ever performance. The BJP emerged as the largest party, improving on its previous performance to win 160 seats but still well short of a majority, even with allies.

3.2 On 15 May 1996 the Indian President called on the BJP's parliamentary leader, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to form a government, which he did with the support of Shiv Sena and other smaller allies. Given the antagonism felt towards the BJP by the majority of other political parties, Vajpayee resigned on 28 May 1996 in anticipation of his Government's inevitable defeat in a parliamentary vote of confidence. [1]

3.3 The National and Left Fronts merged to form an informal coalition known as the United Front (UF) which comprised a total of 13 parties, with the Janata Dal, the Samajwadi Party, the 2 communist parties and the regional Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and Telugu Desam as its major components. With Congress (I) prepared to lend external support, the UF was able to form a Government at the end of May. H D Deve Gowda, a former Chief Minister of Karnataka, was selected to lead the UF and the new Government. [1]

3.4 At the end of March 1997 Deve Gowda was faced with a serious political crisis following Congress (I)'s withdrawal of parliamentary support for the UF Government. On 11 April 1997 the Prime Minister resigned following the defeat of the UF Government in a vote of confidence, and he was replaced by Inder Kumar Gujral, the External Affairs Minister and the only person acceptable to all the coalition parties. He was sworn in as Prime Minister on 22 April 1997. [1]

3.5 In November 1997 Congress (I) called for the withdrawal of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam party (DMK) from the Government. The party was alleged to be indirectly implicated in the 1991 assassination of the former Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi. The Government refused the request and Congress withdrew its support. Mr Gujral resigned as Prime Minister on 28 November. On 4 December President Narayanan dissolved the Lok Sabha. Mr Gujral headed an interim government until the general election was held. [1]

3.6 The general election was held between 16 February and 7 March 1998. Atal Behari Vajpayee, parliamentary leader of the BJP, was sworn in as Prime Minister on 19 March, thereby ending 2 weeks of feverish political activity following a general election which had left no party with a clear majority in the Lok Sabha. [5b]

See also Party positions in Indian Parliament: paragraphs 4.6

3.7 India detonated 5 nuclear devices in May 1998, before Pakistan responded with 6 underground nuclear explosions. The tests enjoyed widespread support in India, but they provoked almost universal condemnation from the international community. A number of countries stated their intention to impose economic sanctions or reduce economic aid to the 2 countries. [5c]

3.8 State elections were held in 4 states in November 1998. The BJP was defeated in its strongholds of Rajasthan and Delhi, where Congress (I) swept to power, and in Madhya Pradesh the BJP failed to dislodge the ruling Congress (I). Regional groups took power in the remote north eastern state of Mizoram. The BJP defeat was attributed to internal dissent in the governing coalition, the weight of sanctions on a creaking economy and spiralling prices of essential commodities. [9a]

3.9 In January 1999 the BJP Government came under attack for its failure to stop the violence against Christians. During December 1998 and January 1999 Christians in the Dangs area of south western Gujarat suffered an escalating series of violent incidents in which churches and schools were burnt down and individuals were attacked. Hindu fundamentalist groups belonging to the Sangh Parivar apparently organised the violence, but Hindu activists denied that there was an organised campaign of violence. They claimed that local anger was ignited by the forced conversions of poor tribals by missionaries. [15a] Christian missionaries stated that they only provide charity. The violence dramatically escalated when a mob in the state of Orissa in eastern India murdered an Australian missionary and his 2 young sons on 23 January 1999. [9b]

See also Christians: paragraphs 5.8.26 - 5.8.40

3.10 The BJP-led Government survived with the outside support of several regional parties and the participation in government of several allies whose backing was conditional on narrow and specific agendas. The allies' allegiance to the BJP was tenuous, relying more on the Government's ability to meet their demands than on any semblance of ideological compatibility. [16a] A political crisis arose in April 1999 after the AIADMK party withdrew its support from the Government. On 17 April the Government lost a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha by one vote and after 10 days, during which Congress (I) tried and failed to form a new government, the President dissolved Parliament and called a general election. The election is scheduled for September/October 1999 and the BJP Government will continue in office until then in a caretaker capacity. [8a]

3.11 Please refer to paragraph 5.7.20 - 5.7.23 for information on the escalation of the conflict in Kashmir in May 1999.

3.12 Since the early 1990s, India has been undergoing a transition from a government-controlled economy to one that is largely market oriented. The private sector is predominant in agriculture, most non-financial services, consumer goods, manufacturing and some heavy industry, although the State dominates the economy through public ownership in sectors such as finance, energy, capital goods and heavy industry, and infrastructure. The State also employs nearly 70% of the 28 million workers in organised employment. [21]

3.13 India is the world's fifth largest economy in terms of gross national product (GNP), but its per capita GNP brings it to 90th place. Economic growth surpassed 5% between 1992 and 1996, reaching 6.2% in 1996. Agriculture, together with fishing and industry, contribute approximately one third of GNP. About 70% of the population are involved in cultivation activities. Nearly 33% of cultivated land is under assured irrigation while the rest depends on the annual monsoon. The main crops are food grains for domestic consumption such as rice, wheat and sorghum, making the country almost entirely self sufficient: in the 1990s net food imports have been less than 2% of total food supply, compared with 8-10% in the 1960s and 5-8% in the 1970s. Nevertheless large scale poverty limits the growth in purchasing food grains, considering that out of the 1.13 billion people living below the poverty line throughout the world, 40% are found in India. [21]

3.14 India is also regarded as a giant in technological achievements and industrial output: it has significant expertise in nuclear energy, communication satellites, vehicles, software design, combat aeroplanes and helicopters, oceanography and deep sea oil drilling, as well as machinery and manufactured goods. [21]

3.15 The BJP Government's first budget was not well received as it lacked a clear message about the BJP's economic policy goals, while the reversal of some measures shortly afterwards reinforced doubts about the Government's ability to steer the economy. Inflation is running at approximately 8-9%. The stock market and the value of the rupee have fallen to new lows. The economic sanctions imposed by Japan and the United States after the nuclear tests in May 1998 could undermine long term development of the Indian economy. [16a]

4.1 India is a federal republic, with legislative power vested in Parliament, which consists of the President and two Houses. The upper house, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) has 245 members, most of whom are indirectly elected by the State Assemblies for 6 years (one third retiring every 2 years), the remainder being nominated by the President for 6 years. The lower house, the Lok Sabha (House of the People) has 543 elected members, serving for 5 years. Two members of the Lok Sabha may be nominated by the President to represent the Anglo-Indian community, while the 543 members are directly elected by universal adult suffrage in single member constituencies. [1]

4.2 The President is a constitutional Head of State, elected for 5 years by an electoral college comprising elected members of both Houses of Parliament and the state legislatures. The President exercises executive power on the advice of the Council of Ministers, which is responsible to Parliament. The President appoints the Prime Minister and, on the latter's recommendation, other Ministers. [1]

4.3 India has 25 states with constitutionally defined powers of government. The states vary greatly in size, population and development. Each state has a Governor appointed by the President for 5 years, a legislature elected for 5 years, and a Council of Ministers headed by a Chief Minister. Each state has its own legislative, executive and judicial machinery, corresponding to that of the Indian Union. In the event of the failure of constitutional government in a state, President's Rule can be imposed by the Union. There are also 6 Union Territories and the National Capital Territory of Delhi, administered by Lieutenant-Governors or Administrators, all of whom are appointed by the President. The Territories of Delhi and Pondicherry also have elected chief ministers and state assemblies. [1]

4.4 The 25 states are: Andhra Pradesh; Arunachal Pradesh; Assam; Bihar; Goa; Gujarat; Haryana; Himachal Pradesh; Jammu and Kashmir; Karnataka; Kerala; Madhya Pradesh; Manipur; Maharashtra; Meghalaya; Mizoram; Nagaland; Orissa; Punjab; Rajasthan; Sikkim; Tamil Nadu; Tripura; Uttar Pradesh; and West Bengal. [1]

4.5 The Territories are: Andaman and Nicobar Islands; Chandigarh; Dadra and Nagar Haveli; Daman and Diu; Delhi; Lakshadweep; and Pondicherry. [1]

4.6 The results of the February/March 1998 general election [24] (with the party positions in the Lok Sabha after the 1996 elections in brackets [11a]) are:

* indicates parties which supported the BJP led Government.

NB A General Election is being held in India during September and October 1999.

 4.7 In July 1998 the distribution of seats in the Rajya Sabha (Upper House of the Indian Parliament) was as follows:

4.8 India has an independent judiciary with strong constitutional safeguards. The President appoints the judges, and they can serve up to the age of 62 on the state high courts and to the age of 65 on the Supreme Court. Courts of first resort exist at the sub-district and district levels. More serious cases and appeals are heard in state level High Courts and by the national level Supreme Court, which also rules on Constitutional issues. Sub-district and district judicial magistrates are appointed by state governments. High Court judges are appointed on the recommendation of the federal Law Ministry, with the advice of the Supreme Court, the High Court Chief Justice, and the Chief Minister of the state, usually from among district judges or lawyers practising before the same courts. Supreme Court judges are similarly appointed from among High Court judges. The Chief Justice is appointed on the basis of seniority. [2a]

4.9 When legal procedures function normally, they generally assure a fair trial, but the process can be drawn out as the court system is overloaded, and inaccessible to the poor. In 1995 nearly 2.9 million criminal and civil cases were pending before India’s high courts. Defendants have the right to choose counsel from a bar that is fully independent of the government. There are effective channels for appeal at most levels of the judicial system. [2a]

4.10 Free legal services are available for everyone whose total income is less than 6,000 rupees. Legal Aid is available for fees incurred in legal proceedings, representations by a legal practitioner, obtaining certified copies of legal documents, and preparation of appeal papers. [6a]

4.11 The Criminal Procedure Code provides for an open trial in most cases but it allows exceptions in proceedings involving official secrets, trials in which statements prejudicial to the safety of the State might be made, or under the provisions of special security legislation. Sentences must be announced in public. [2a]

4.12 Muslim personal status law governs many non-criminal matters involving Muslims eg family law, inheritance and divorce. The government does not interfere in the personal laws of the minority communities, with the result that laws, which discriminate against women, are upheld. [2a]

See also Women: paragraphs 5.3.1 - 5.3.20

4.13 According to the US State Department report for 1998, issued in February 1999, the judicial system barely functions in Jammu and Kashmir due to threats by militants against judges, witnesses and their family members. There is also judicial tolerance of the Indian Government's anti-militant actions, and the security forces frequently refuse to obey court orders. Courts there are not willing to hear cases involving terrorist crimes or fail to act expeditiously on habeas corpus cases, if they act at all. As a result, there have been no convictions of alleged terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir since before 1994, even though some militants have been in detention for years. [2a]

See also Human rights concerns in Kashmir: paragraphs 5.7.24 - 5.7.28; the Security Forces: paragraph 4.14 - 4.15

4.14 In 1996 India's total armed forces numbered 1,145,000: of these, 980,000 constituted the army, 55,000 the navy, and 110,000 the air force. The paramilitary Border Security Force numbered 185,000. Military service is voluntary, although the Constitution states that every citizen has a fundamental duty to perform national service if called upon to do so. The armed forces have traditionally not been involved in domestic politics, and have never instigated a coup. [21]

4.15 Each state controls its own police forces through its own home ministry. The Union Home Ministry co-ordinates the activities of the all-India bodies. These include the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) (the main law enforcement body in India), the Central Detective Training School, the Central Forensic Laboratory, the Central Fingerprint Laboratory, and the National Police Academy in Mount Abu, Rajasthan, where the Indian police service is trained. It also has jurisdiction over the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), the Railway Protection Force and the Border Security Force. [21]

See also Abuses by the Security Forces: paragraphs 5.2.10 - 5.2.11

5.1 Introduction

5.1.1 India is a parliamentary democracy with an independent judiciary. The human rights of Indian citizens are safeguarded by extensive constitutional and statutory provisions. However there are significant human rights abuses. These can be attributed to social tensions, violent secessionist movements and the authorities' attempts to repress them, and deficient police methods and training. [2a] Other reasons include poverty, disparities in the distribution of wealth, persistence of traditional practices and customs, particularly affecting women, discrimination against underprivileged classes and castes, and ethnic, cultural and religious tensions. [6c]

5.1.2 Human rights abuses include:

• extra-judicial executions and other political killings, arbitrary arrest and incommunicado detention;
• disappearances and excessive use of force by the security forces combating insurgencies in Jammu and Kashmir and several north eastern states;
• continued detention throughout the country of thousands arrested under special security legislation;
• torture and rape by police and other agents of government and deaths of suspects in custody; poor prison conditions; lengthy pre-trial detention; prolonged detention during trial;
• legal and societal discrimination and societal violence against women;
• discrimination and violence against indigenous people and scheduled castes and tribes; (See Section 5.9 for definition of scheduled castes and tribes);
• child prostitution, trafficking and infanticide; and exploitation of indentured, bonded and child labour;
• inter-caste and communal violence;
• increasing societal violence against Christians. [2a]

5.1.3 Separatist militants in Jammu and Kashmir are responsible for numerous abuses including extra-judicial executions and other political killings, torture, kidnapping and extortion. Separatist insurgencies are taking place in the 7 north eastern states. Particularly affected is Assam where the conflict involves Bodo tribal militants and United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) insurgents. Tribal militancy is also a feature in Manipur, Nagaland and Tripura. [2a]

5.1.4 The number of insurgency-related deaths in Jammu and Kashmir and the north east was slightly lower in 1998 than the previous year, due in part to negotiated cease-fires in the north east between the Government and the insurgent forces and between some tribal groups. However the proportion of civilian deaths in Jammu and Kashmir increased markedly due to brutal, execution-style killings of civilians by Kashmiri militant groups. [2a]

5.1.5 In Andhra Pradesh there have been clashes between the police and the Naxalite maoist revolutionaries of the People's War Group. It was banned in Andhra Pradesh in 1992, but gained a year long reprieve in June 1995 before being banned again in July 1996. Naxalites are also active in Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal, and in recent years there have been a number of Naxalite attacks on police stations with numerous fatalities. During 1998 Naxalites also killed dozens of people who were declared to be "class enemies" or police informers. They also extorted money from businesses. [2a]

5.1.6 In Bihar, armed Naxalite groups have reportedly taken control of many villages across the state. Deaths from Naxalite activities during 1997 reportedly amounted to 100 villagers, 192 Naxalites and 5 policemen. Moreover, upper caste private armies and lower caste armed groups are engaged in a bitter struggle in which both groups have committed massacres with impunity on a monthly basis. [21] Ranvir Sena, a private militia controlled by high caste landlords in Bihar, was responsible for murdering at least 58 people on 1 December 1997. No one has been arrested. [26]

5.1.7 During 1998 India made further progress in resolving human rights problems. The Supreme Court has condemned the serious abuses in Punjab in the early 1990s and the investigations of the National Human Rights Committee continued. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) continued its visits to prisons in Jammu and Kashmir, but Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have not been permitted to visit Jammu and Kashmir or the north east. Local NGOs were permitted access to these areas. [2a]

5.1.8 The United Nations Human Rights Committee noted the existence of a broad range of democratic institutions and a comprehensive constitutional framework for the protection of human rights. It referred to the work of the National Human Rights Commission, and the establishment of human rights commissions in a number of states, and the establishment of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and the National Commission for Women in 1992 and the National Commission for Minorities in 1993. [6c]

See also Women: Section 5.3; Children: Section 5.4

5.1.9 In July 1997 Amnesty International submitted a report to the Human Rights Committee to supplement and update Amnesty's concerns in relation to India. Amnesty International drew attention to its concerns which covered the following areas:

• the shortcomings of India's implementation of safeguards to prevent human rights violations;
• the absence of adequate mechanisms to ensure full redress for all victims of human rights violations;
• the continuing state of impunity for the majority of perpetrators of human rights violations, particularly in areas of armed conflict;
• the existence of special legislation which grants security forces wide powers to arrest and detain, and escape prosecution for violations;
• legislation which provides for preventive detention which has been used to detain people not only in areas of armed conflict but also against those defending human rights;
• the vulnerability of economically and socially disadvantaged groups in India, including women, scheduled castes and tribal peoples, to human rights violations and their problems in obtaining redress.

5.2 SPECIFIC TOPICS

5.2.1 The Indian Constitution and the Indian Code of Criminal Procedure provide judicial guarantees. Detainees have the right to be informed of the grounds for arrest, to be represented by counsel, and, unless the person is held under a preventive detention law, to appear before a magistrate within 24 hours of arrest. An accused person must be informed of his right to bail at the time of arrest and may apply for bail at any time, unless he is held on a non-bailable offence. The police must file a charge sheet within 60 to 90 days of arrest; if they fail to do so, court approval of a bail application becomes mandatory. [2a]

5.2.2 India has a democratic, parliamentary system of government with representatives elected in multi-party elections under universal adult suffrage. Some 374 million voters, or 62.04%

of the electorate, cast ballots in the 1998 general election. There were reports of election related violence in parts of the country, as well as localised allegations of voter fraud. However, the Election Commission noted at the conclusion of voting that the election had been the most peaceful in recent memory. [2a]

See also Political system: paragraphs 4.1 - 4.5

5.2.3 The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press, and with some limitations these rights are exercised. A vigorous press reflects a wide variety of public, social and economic beliefs. Newspapers and magazines regularly publish investigative reports and allegations of government wrongdoing, and the press as a whole champions human rights and criticises perceived government lapses. National television and radio, which are government monopolies, are frequently accused of manipulating the news to the benefit of the government. However international satellite television is widely distributed among the middle class and is gradually eroding the government's monopoly. [2a]

5.2.4 The Constitution provides for the right of peaceful assembly and the right to form associations, and the government generally respects these rights. Permits and notification are sometimes required prior to the holding of parades and demonstrations, but local governments usually respect the right to protest peacefully. At times of civil tension, the authorities may ban public assemblies or impose a curfew. [2a]

5.2.5 Indian citizens enjoy freedom of movement within the country except in certain border areas where, for security reasons, special permits are required. Under the Passports Act 1967, the Government may deny a passport to any applicant who "may or is likely to engage outside India in activities prejudicial to the sovereignty and integrity of India." The Government uses this provision to prohibit the foreign travel of some government critics, especially those advocating Sikh independence. Indian citizens may emigrate without restriction. [2a]

5.2.6 A variety of special security laws were enacted during the 1980s to help law enforcement agencies fight separatist insurgencies. There have been reports of widespread arbitrary arrest and detention under these laws. [2a]

5.2.7 The National Security Act 1980 permits the preventive detention of persons suspected of being security risks without charge or trial for up to one year on loosely defined security grounds. The state government must confirm the detention order, which is reviewed by an advisory board of 3 high court judges, within 7 weeks of arrest. The Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act 1978 covers corresponding procedures for that state. [2a]

5.2.8 The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 was enacted at a time when India was faced with the activities of insurgents in the border areas on the eastern frontier of the country. The Act's provisions only come into effect when the State Governor declares the area to be "disturbed". The Act lists the situations in which the special powers may be exercised: dispersal of unlawful assembly, preventing people from carrying weapons, destruction of arms dumps, search and seizure and the arrest of those suspected of committing a cognizable offence. The Act also provides for the arrested person to be handed over to the nearest police station. [21] The Act gives an officer in the armed forces the power to shoot to kill if necessary for the maintenance of law and order. Central government sanction is required for the prosecution of any officer for acts committed under the Act. [2a]

5.2.9 The Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act 1985 (TADA), amended 1987, expired in May 1995 though 1,502 people arrested under the Act continued to be held on 1 January 1997 and a small number of arrests under TADA continued for crimes allegedly committed before the Act lapsed [2a]. The Act prohibited not only "terrorist acts" but also "disruptive activities" which questioned or threatened the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India. [21] Amnesty International stated that several of the Act's provisions may have violated international human rights standards and that they were open to abuse and have been widely misused. Amnesty cite examples of false arrests, police excesses and extortions as well as instances where people were imprisoned under the Act for matters unconnected with violent political acts. [3a] & [2a]

5.2.10 According to the UN Human Rights Committee, the police and other security forces do not always respect the rule of law and court orders for habeas corpus are not always complied with, particularly in disturbed areas. There are incidents of custodial deaths, rape and torture. Special powers of detention remain widespread, and people remain detained under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act although it lapsed in 1995. [6c]

5.2.11 The security forces continue to rely on special powers under legislation such as the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the Public Safety Act and the National Security Act in areas declared to be disturbed under the provisions of that act [6c] (ie Jammu and Kashmir, Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and parts of Tripura [2a]). There are concerns about the human rights violations committed by security and armed forces acting under these laws. Criminal prosecutions or civil proceedings against members of the security and armed forces acting under special powers may not be commenced without the sanction of the central Government. This contributes to a climate of impunity. [6c]

See also Human rights concerns in Punjab: paragraphs 5.6.26 - 5.6.32; Human rights concerns in Kashmir: paragraphs 5.7.24 - 5.7.28

5.2.12 Prison conditions are severely overcrowded and provision of food and medical supplies is inadequate. Tihar jail in Delhi has a capacity of 3,300 but houses 9,000 prisoners. The Prison Act of 1894 remains unamended. [2a]

5.2.13 With the exception of an agreement with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) for visits to detention facilities in Jammu and Kashmir, the Government does not allow NGO's to monitor prison conditions. However 15 states and union territories have authorised the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to conduct surprise inspections on jails. There is growing public awareness of the problem of custodial abuse. 888 complaints of custodial death (700 in judicial custody and 188 in police custody) and 3 cases of custodial rape were received by the NHRC in 1998. A large proportion of the 700 deaths in judicial custody were from natural causes, in some cases aggravated by poor conditions. [2a]

5.2.14 The Protection of Human Rights Act 1993 established a National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in October 1993. The Commission monitors and investigates human rights violations, advises the Government on human rights issues, and works to further human rights awareness. The existence and functioning of the NHRC has had the effect of raising the profile of a range of human rights issues in India, including custodial violence, prison conditions, working conditions, child labour, basic health, human rights education and the training of police and security forces. [3d]

5.2.15 The NHRC has also played a role in international and regional fora, including the UN Commission on Human Rights and the Asia-Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Commissions. [3d]

5.2.16 The NHRC is also empowered to study treaties and other international instruments on human rights and recommend measures for their effective implementation. The NHRC has suggested that the Protection of Human Rights Act should be amended to incorporate International Covenants. [3c]

5.2.17 Section 19 of the Protection of Human Rights Act limits the mandate of the NHRC and specifies that it is not empowered to investigate allegations of human rights violations by the armed forces. Whenever human rights violations by members of the armed or paramilitary forces are reported to the NHRC, its mandate restricts its action to seeking a report from the central Government. There are no powers of investigation. After receiving the report, the NHRC can either not proceed with the case if it is satisfied with the report, or make recommendations. The Government is required to inform the Commission of the action taken on its recommendations within 3 months. The effect of this restriction is that the NHRC is reliant on the Government's version of events or the version of events as given by the alleged perpetrator. [3d]

5.2.18 In several high profile cases, the NHRC has disregarded this limitation in its mandate and intervened in incidents of human rights violations by security forces, for example in Jammu and Kashmir in the case of the killing of lawyer Jalil Andrabi in March 1996 and the killing of civilians by security forces in Bijbehara in October 1993. Amnesty International considered that this approach did not ensure consistent investigation of human rights violations and that it was consequently inadequate. [3c]

5.2.19 Section 36(2) of the Protection of Human Rights Act limits the NHRC to investigating allegations of abuses only up to a year after the alleged abuse took place. This has been overlooked in certain cases, but other cases over a year old have been disregarded. This is problematic, as many victims approach the NHRC as a last resort, after using other mechanisms such as the courts. Lack of resources is often an obstacle to filing a complaint within the time-frame required. A human rights violation may not come to light until over a year after the original incident or a rape victim may have compelling reasons not to come forward immediately. [3d]

5.2.20 However in September 1998 the Supreme Court ruled that the NHRC's probe into the alleged mass cremation of 2,000 bodies by the Punjab police in 1994-5 could not be barred by the one year time limit. The Supreme Court ruled that the jurisdiction exercised by the NHRC in these matters is of a special nature not covered by the enactment of law and thus acts sui generis. [12d]

See also paragraphs 5.6.59 - 5.6.61: NHRC's investigations in Punjab

5.2.21 The NHRC is allowed, having given notice, to visit jails and detention centres under the control of State Governments. Amnesty is concerned that this gives the State Governments an opportunity to improve conditions before a visit. It is also concerned that the NHRC is not allowed to investigate conditions in institutions under the control of the central Government such as interrogation centres run by the armed forces. [3d]

5.2.22 While the NHRC is conducting enquiries, it has the powers of a civil court, including summoning attendance of witnesses, compelling the provision of information and referring cases of contempt to a magistrate. However the NHRC, and individuals undertaking investigations on its behalf, do not have these powers in the course of activities beyond the conduct of enquiries, including when undertaking investigations. There have been occasions when the NHRC's work has been hampered by delays in receiving reports from state authorities. Some states, particularly Jammu and Kashmir, have failed to submit reports about deaths in custody within 24 hours in accordance with NHRC directives. [3d]

5.2.23 During 1996-7, the NHRC received 20,514 complaints, more than double the figure for the previous year. The increase was attributed to the spread of awareness of human rights. Cases from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar together accounted for 54% of the total. During the year criminal prosecutions were launched against 167 people, including 144 police officers, and a total of 10,848 cases were disposed of. [10q]

5.2.24 One of the NHRC's first actions was to request that it be informed of death or rape in police custody within 24 hours of occurrence, and while it has not succeeded in implementing this directive in states such as Jammu and Kashmir as noted above, the NHRC has become an important monitor of the extent of custodial violence. [3c] The NHRC has recommended that army and paramilitary forces should also follow the same procedure and report any death or rape in custody to the NHRC within 24 hours. The Indian Government rejected this, saying that the existing procedures laid down in the Protection of Human Rights Act 1993 were sufficient. [10r]

5.2.25 The NHRC has been active in recommending the granting of compensation in many cases in which it has found prima facie evidence of human rights violations, and it has actively pursued the granting of compensation with the authorities to ensure that victims or their relatives are provided with prompt financial redress. [3d]

5.2.26 The NHRC has recommended changes to existing legislation to ensure that human rights are protected, as part of its mandate to review safeguards provided under the Indian Constitution or legislation. The NHRC played a significant role in calls for the abolition of the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), which was allowed to lapse in 1995. The NHRC, in a submission to the Supreme Court, has expressed the view that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is unconstitutional. The NHRC played a key role in encouraging the Indian Government to ratify the Convention against Torture. Nevertheless Amnesty International believes that the NHRC should adopt a more systematic and consistent approach in reviewing existing or proposed legislation. [3d]

5.2.27 State Human Rights Commissions have been established in Assam, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir and West Bengal. The Governments of Manipur and Kerala have formally established Commissions, but as of October 1998, members have not been appointed. The Governments of Gujarat and Nagaland have announced their intention to set up state commissions. [3d]

5.3 WOMEN

5.3.1 According to the March 1991 census, out of a population of 846 million, 407 million are female and 439 million are male. [1] There are differences between the lives of rural women (some 75% of the total) and urban women. Literacy rates vary across the country, and the caste system as well as economic circumstances have an impact on the position of women. Scheduled caste women face double discrimination because of their gender and caste. Poverty has a disproportionate effect on women. [4e]

5.3.2 Women generally occupy a lower social status than men as a result of Hindu tradition. There is a preference for male children, and parents often give nutritional and health care priority to boys. There is also the practice of aborting female foetuses and female infanticide, of which there are reportedly 10,000 cases a year. [4e]

5.3.3 Marriage is considered a social necessity for women of all religions and regions in India. Most marriages are still arranged. In the south, intra-village or intra-family marriages are encouraged in order to strengthen family networks, while in the north, marriage is encouraged outside the community to expand the family network. As a result women in the north have little contact with their natal families. The system whereby a daughter leaves her home to live with her husband's family is characterised by the subordination of the bride to men and older women and the bride is expected to be submissive. [4e]

5.3.4 The Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Act 1976 makes 18 the minimum age of marriage for women, but enforcement is uneven. Child marriages are said to be common, particularly in rural areas. [4e]

5.3.5 The personal status laws of the religious communities govern matters such as marriage, divorce and property. The Hindu Marriage Act 1955 gives the parties the right to dissolve the marriage according to their custom. Under the Indian Divorce Act 1869, a Christian woman may petition the court for divorce on one or more of several grounds, including bigamy and rape. [4e] In May 1997 the Bombay High Court recognised abuse alone as sufficient grounds for a Christian woman to obtain a divorce. Under Islamic law, a Muslim husband may divorce his wife spontaneously and unilaterally; there is no such provision for women. [2a] The Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act 1939 permits a women to apply to the courts on her own for a divorce decree. The divorce law applying to secular marriages is included in the Special Marriage Act 1954 and provides for divorce by mutual consent as well as by petition to the court. [4e]

5.3.6 Despite these legal provisions, divorce is socially unacceptable for women. A divorced woman may be ostracised by her community and even her family. Divorce may not be an option for many women because of their economic dependence on their husbands. [4e]

5.3.7 The Hindu Succession Act provides equal inheritance rights for Hindu women, but married daughters are seldom given a share in parental property. Islamic law recognises a women's right of inheritance but specifies that a daughter's share should be only a half that of a son. [2a]

5.3.8 Under tribal land systems, notably in Bihar, tribal women do not have the right to own land. Other laws relating to the ownership of assets and land accord women little control over land use, retention or sale. [2a]

5.3.9 Violence against women has increased in recent years. Wife beating is a problem which cuts across all castes, classes, religions and education levels. [4e] There is also domestic violence in the context of dowry disputes, where the groom's family harass a woman they believe has not provided a sufficient dowry. The harassment sometimes ends with the woman's death, which the family try to portray as a suicide or kitchen accident. Under a 1986 amendment to the Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961, the court must presume the husband or his family are responsible for every unnatural death of a woman in the first 7 years of marriage, provided that harassment is proven. [4e] & [2a] While the legislation introduced by the government is seen as a serious effort to end dowry deaths, lack of adequate enforcement is a major problem. [4e]

5.3.10 Women are vulnerable to attack and rape while in custody. Amnesty International expressed concern about the lack of official determination to bring the perpetrators of custodial crimes to justice. [4e]

5.3.11 There is an elaborate system of laws to protect the rights of women, including the Equal Remuneration Act 1976, the Maternity Benefits Act 1961, the Prevention of Immoral Traffic Act, the Sati Prevention Act, and the Dowry Prohibition Act. [4e] & [2a] The Indian Penal Code contains a number of sections which address crimes against women and offences relating to marriage, rape and domestic violence. However the laws are not always enforced, especially in rural areas, due to social and religious practices. [4e]

5.3.12 Employers in the organised sector often ignore the minimum wage laws. Women are increasingly reliant on employment in the unorganised sector, where wages are lower, and where they are outside the reach of legislation designed to protect them from unsafe working conditions. Family-run businesses and cottage-industries, in which most of the workers are women and children, are exempt from much of the labour standards legislation. [4e]

5.3.13 India has ratified a number of international conventions, including the Convention on the Political Rights of Women and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. One reservation was made in respect of the latter convention, in that the Indian Government declared that it would not interfere in the personal affairs of any community without that community's initiative or consent. This has been interpreted as reluctance on the part of the Government to change the religion-specific personal laws that discriminate against women in areas such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. [4e]

5.3.14 The Indian Constitution provides that all persons are equal before the law and shall have equal protection of the law. Women who are subject to violence have recourse through the civil and criminal courts. A civil suit for injunctive relief can be undertaken under the Civil Procedure Code and the Special Relief Act. In criminal law a victim of violence can seek redress under several sections of the Penal Code. [4e]

5.3.15 However many factors make the courts a difficult recourse for women. They often lack economic, geographic and even political access to the legal system. Those who are illiterate, poor, unaware of their legal rights and unaccustomed to dealing with public institutions have particular difficulties. There are reports that women are often subject to the negative attitudes of the male-dominated judiciary. Women face social pressures not to pursue cases, which may not be heard for years due to court backlogs. [4e]

5.3.16 There is also the question of the attitude of the police to women who complain of abuse or crimes committed against them. Police are reluctant to intervene in family disputes. Crimes may be ignored if the perpetrators are influential. The police are perceived as being insensitive, and women are often afraid to report crimes. [4e]

5.3.17 It is reported that one women's organisation, Sakshi, has provided gender sensitisation training to police officers. [4e]

5.3.18 There are no legal impediments to women's participation in the political process. A large proportion of women exercise their right to vote and women represent all the major parties in the national and state legislatures. [2a] 8% of Members of the Lok Sabha are women, following the 1998 election. [11k] 30% of seats in elected village councils (panchayats) are reserved for women. [2a] There has been a prolonged debate over the reservation of parliamentary and state assembly seats for women. In recent years Indian governments have pledged to introduce legislation which would guarantee that at least 33% of MPs would be women. However a Women's Reservation Bill, despite initial cross party support failed in July 1998. [11k]

5.3.19 Despite their low numbers, women have been highly visible participants in Indian politics, although they are frequently not representative of women as a whole. Often they are from the "elite" and their political position derives from male relatives also involved in politics. [4e]

5.3.20 There are thousands of grassroots organisations working for social justice and economic advancement of women, for example, the Women's Development Programme in Rajasthan which is said to be a model for empowering rural women in a range of issues. In addition, the National Commission for Women was established in 1992 to investigate cases of abuse and report to the government on measures to improve the situation of women in India. State Women's Commissions have been set up in a number of states. The Government usually supports these efforts, despite strong resistance from traditionally privileged groups. [4e] & [2a]

5.4 CHILDREN

5.4.1 A National Policy for Children has been designed by the Government for the welfare of children and is implemented by the Ministry of Welfare. The Juvenile Justice Act lays down a scheme for the care and protection of neglected and delinquent children. India has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child. [6a]

5.4.2 The Government continued previous governments' efforts initiated in 1994 to pass more laws banning child labour and to enhance the enforcement of existing laws. The Government's programme to eliminate child labour is aimed at progressively withdrawing children from the workplace in hazardous industries and placing them in schools through initiatives in education, rural development, woman and child development, health, and labour programmes. Government efforts to eliminate child labour have touched only a small fraction of children in the work place. The BJP-led government did not renew the pledge of the previous government to eliminate child labour by 2010. A 1996 Supreme Court decision raised penalties for employers of children in hazardous industries and established a welfare fund for formerly employed children. [2a]

5.4.3 Forced labour and bonded labour is prohibited by statute, but enforcement of the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act 1976 varies from state to state and has not been effective due to a lack of resources and, to some extent, social acceptance. Some estimates put the number of bonded labourers as high as 5 million, an unknown number of whom are children. The situation of some children in the work place amounts to bonded labour (the result of a private contractual relationship whereby a worker incurs or inherits debts to a contractor and then must work off the debt plus interest). Children are sent to work because their parents cannot afford to feed them or in order to pay off a debt incurred by a parent or relative. It is estimated that in the carpet industry alone there may be as many as 300,000 children working, many under conditions that amount to bonded labour. [2a]

5.4.4 In occupations and processes where child labour is permitted, work by children is permissible only for 6 hours a day with one day's rest a week. [2a]

5.4.5 The Government does not provide compulsory, free, and universal primary education, and only approximately 59% of children between the ages of 5 and 14 attend school. There is a significant gender gap in school attendance, particularly by secondary school. According to UNICEF, 59% of boys and 38% of girls were enrolled in secondary school. Economic reality is that children of more well to do families are more likely to attend school than those of poor families. About 120 million children out of 203 million attend primary school. Most of the remainder, 87 million, do housework, work on family farms, work alongside their parents as paid agricultural labour, work as domestic servants, or are otherwise employed. [2a] Family run businesses and cottage industries, in which children work, are exempt from much of the labour standards legislation. The contractual system allows many industries to evade the requirements of the Factories Act, Minimum Wages Act and Child Labour Act. Participation in home-based industries is higher for girls than for boys, with more boys than girls attending school. [4e]

5.4.6 There are an estimated 500,000 street children nationwide. There is child prostitution in the cities [2a] - approximately 100,000 prostitutes in Bombay alone, many of whom are minors held in bondage in brothels. [4e] There is a growing pattern of traffic in child prostitutes from Nepal. [2a]

5.4.7 Child marriage is prohibited by law. The Government does not effectively enforce the minimum age of 18 at which girls may marry. [2a]

5.5 HOMOSEXUALS

5.5.1 Homosexuality as such is not illegal in India. Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (1860) proscribes "unnatural offences", which are defined as penetrative intercourse "against the order of nature" with man, woman or animal. Certain practices might therefore be deemed illegal in India. However the scope of the definition has not been much tested in the courts and cases under section 377 are rare. [7f]

5.5.2 The issue of homosexuality is still sensitive in India and is not openly debated to the extent that it is in the West. It is however much more openly discussed than it was a few years ago and society is tending to become more tolerant. There are a number of NGOs, properly registered, in different parts of India which exist to promote the welfare of homosexual men and women. [7f]

5.5.3 There are reports of raids by the police in Mumbai (Bombay), with homosexuals being arrested for no other reason that they "look like" homosexuals. The punishment is a 25 rupee fine and/or a beating with a lathi. Open homosexuality is not accepted. There are organised gay and lesbian groups in New Delhi, Mumbai and Calcutta and gay magazines are published. Most lesbians join feminist groups, but "Sakshi", a lesbian group in New Delhi, was formed in 1992. [25]

5.6 PUNJAB AND THE SIKHS

5.6.1 Sikhs form a religious and cultural community of some 16 million, less than 2% of the Indian population. Some 80% of Sikhs live in Punjab [4a] where they form the majority (about two thirds) of the inhabitants. [6b] The Sikh religion was founded by Guru Nanak (1469-1539), a high caste Hindu who denounced social and state oppression. He took monotheism from Islam, but rejected Ramadan, polygamy and pilgrimages to Mecca. He also rejected Hindu polytheism, the caste system and sati (sacrificing a widow on her husband's funeral pyre). Nine gurus succeeded Nanak. The Sikh commandments include certain prohibitions, notably against alcohol and tobacco. For men the Sikh religion requires observance of the "5 Ks": Kes (uncut hair and beard); Kacch (breeches); Kirpan (a double edged sword); Kangh (a steel comb); and Kara (an iron bangle). [4a]

5.6.2 New religious ideologies early in the 20th century caused tensions in the Sikh religion. The Akali Dal (Army of the Immortals), a political-religious movement founded in 1920, preached a return to the roots of the Sikh religion. The Akali Dal became the political party which would articulate Sikh claims and lead the independence movement. [4a]

5.6.3 Following the partition of India in 1947, the Sikhs were concentrated in India in east Punjab. Sikh leaders demanded a Punjabi language majority state which would have included most Sikhs. Fearing that a Punjabi state might lead to a separatist Sikh movement, the Government opposed the demand. [22] In 1966 a compromise was reached, when two new states of Punjab and Haryana were created. Punjabi became the official language of Punjab, and Chandigarh became the shared capital of the two states. However the agreement did not resolve the Sikh question. [4a]

5.6.4 In 1977, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, an obscure but charismatic religious leader, made his appearance. He preached strict fundamentalism and armed struggle for national liberation. His speeches inflamed both young students and small farmers dissatisfied with their economic lot. [4a]

5.6.5 Tensions between Sikhs and New Delhi heightened during the 1980s, as the government did not respond to Sikh grievances. Over the years that followed, Punjab was faced with escalating confrontations and increased terrorist incidents. Akali Dal only achieved limited concessions from the government and Sikh separatists prepared for battle. In the Golden Temple enclosure 10,000 Sikhs took an oath to lay down their lives if necessary in the struggle. Renewed confrontations in October 1983 resulted in Punjab being placed under central government authority. [4a]

5.6.6 The violence continued and hundreds of Sikhs were detained in the first part of 1984. Followers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, established a terrorist stronghold inside the Golden Temple. The Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, then initiated Operation Blue Star which took place on 5-6 June 1984. The Golden Temple was shelled and besieged by the army to dislodge the terrorists. The fighting continued for five days. Bhindranwale was killed and there was serious damage to sacred buildings. [22]

5.6.7 Official figures put the casualties at 493 "civilians/ terrorists" killed and 86 wounded, and 83 troops killed and 249 wounded. Later in the year official sources put the total number killed at about 1,000. Unofficial sources estimated that the civilian casualties alone were much higher. There were apparently more than 3,000 people in the temple when Operation Blue Star began, among them 950 pilgrims, 380 priests and other temple employees and their families, 1,700 Akali Dal supporters, 500 followers of Bhindranwale and 150 members of other armed groups. [22]

5.6.8 The intervention had disastrous consequences for the Sikh community and the whole country. Sikh-Hindu communalism was aggravated, Sikh extremism was reinforced, and political assassinations increased. [4a]

5.6.9 On 31 October 1984 Indira Gandhi was assassinated in New Delhi by two Sikh bodyguards. In the days that followed, anti-Sikh rioting paralysed New Delhi, ultimately claiming at least 2,000 lives; unofficial estimates were higher. Sikhs were also attacked in other cities in northern India. [22]

5.6.10 A peace agreement was concluded between the Indian Government and moderate Akali Dal Sikhs led by Harchand Singh Longowal in July 1985, which granted many of the Sikh community’s longstanding demands. However the extremists regarded Longowal as a traitor to the Sikh cause and he was assassinated in August 1985. Moreover the promised reforms did not take place. [22]

5.6.11 In 1987 the state government was dismissed and Punjab was placed under President's Rule. Extremists spread terror throughout Punjab and the Indian government mounted a campaign of anti-terrorist measures designed to restore the situation in Punjab to normal. In May 1988 the Punjab police and Indian paramilitary forces launched Operation Black Thunder against armed extremists who had again created a fortified stronghold within the Golden Temple. At least 40 extremists and several police officers were killed during the battle. [1], [22] & [4a]

5.6.12 President's Rule was finally brought to an end following elections in February 1992, which were won by Congress (I). However the elections were boycotted by the leading factions of Akali Dal and attracted an extremely low turnout (only about 22% of the electorate). Beant Singh of the Congress (I) was sworn in as Chief Minister, but his government lacked any real credibility. Despite the continuing violence between the separatists and the security forces, the large turnout in the municipal elections in September 1992, the first in 13 years, afforded some hope that normality was returning to Punjab. The local council elections in January 1993, the first for 10 years, also attracted a large turnout. [1]

5.6.13 On 31 August 1995 Beant Singh, Chief Minister of Punjab, was killed by a car bomb which exploded close to his car outside the Punjab Secretariat in Chandigarh. 15 security men and aides were also killed. Babbar Khalsa claimed responsibility and three suspects were later arrested. [10c]

5.6.14 State Assembly elections were held on 7 February 1997 and the alliance of Shiromani Akali Dal and the Bharatiya Janata Party swept to power, routing the ruling Congress party. The number of seats won by the parties was:

5.6.15 On 12 February 1997 Prakash Singh Badal was sworn in as Chief Minister. He has served as Chief Minister twice before, in 1970 and 1977. [10d]

5.6.16 Although the situation in Punjab had returned to normality, acts of violence continued. On 2 December 1996 a bomb exploded on a train near Chandigarh, killing 12 and injuring 37. An Akali Dal leader, Bachittar Singh, was ambushed by five gunmen and killed the previous day. In March 1997 at least seven were killed when a bomb exploded outside Jalandhar railway station. Then in July 1997, 33 were killed and 65 injured when a bomb exploded on a train in the Bhatinda area. [8g], [8h] & [10f]

5.6.17 Virtually all of the militant groups in Punjab pursued their campaign for a separate state of Khalistan through acts of violence directed not only at members of the police and security forces but also specifically at Hindu and Sikh civilians. [22]

5.6.18 Most of the militant groups in Punjab traced their origins to Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, a charismatic Sikh preacher who rose to prominence in the mid-1970s. After the storming of the Golden Temple the number of militant groups operating in Punjab grew. Some authorities claimed there were no more than 1,700 armed militants, while many journalists believed there may have been five times that number. [22]

5.6.19 The militants were organised into at least seven major groups and all theoretically operated under the authority of one of the Panthic Committees which functioned as decision making bodies and issued instructions. The main militant organisations were: the Khalistan Commando Force (Paramjit Singh Panjwar faction); Khalistan Commando Force (Zaffarwal); Khalistan Commando Force (Rajasthani group); Babbar Khalsa; Khalistan Liberation Force (Budhisingwala); Bhindranwale Tiger Force of Khalistan (Sangha); Bhindranwale Tiger Force (Manochahal); All India Sikh Student Federation (Manjit); All India Sikh Student Federation (Mehta Chawla); and the Sikh Student Federation (Bittu). [22]

5.6.20 In addition to this there were perhaps dozens of other groups, some representing splinter factions, as well as loosely organised armed gangs. [22]

5.6.21 After they first emerged in the early 1980s the militants assassinated civil servants, politicians, journalists, businessmen, other prominent individuals and ordinary Hindu and Sikh civilians. There were also indiscriminate attacks apparently designed to cause extensive civilian casualties, in some cases firing automatic weapons into residential and commercial areas, derailing trains, and exploding bombs in markets, restaurants and other civilian areas. Some of these attacks occurred outside Punjab in neighbouring states and in New Delhi. [22]

5.6.22 Motives for the attacks varied. Moderate Sikh political leaders were assassinated for opposing the militants. Other leaders were killed as a result of militant group rivalries. A number of militant groups tried to impose a Sikh fundamentalist ideology, issuing directives that stipulated appropriate conduct for Sikhs and prohibiting the sale of tobacco and alcohol. Failure to obey these orders meant punishment, including death. In late 1990 and early 1991 militant groups issued "codes of conduct" for journalists which also carried a death penalty for those who dared to disobey. Sikhs belonging to minority sects, which advocated practices perceived as heretical by orthodox Sikhs, were also murdered. [22]

5.6.23 Attacks on civilians were claimed as acts of retaliation for government violence. Other killings appeared to represent executions of suspected collaborators or informers. Militants also kidnapped civilians for extortion, frequently murdering their victims when their demands were not met. Threats were made to the minority Hindu population in an effort to drive them out of Punjab. As a result thousands of Hindus fled the state. [22]

5.6.24 The Sikh militant movement is no longer active in Punjab. The hard core militants have either been physically wiped out or are no longer in India. There are no reports in 1997 and 1998 of Sikh militants forcing the local population to provide them with assistance. There is no obvious support for the militants and the people of Punjab want peace. A few remaining Sikh militant leaders are now based in Pakistan and their activities appear to be ineffectual. [4g] Two militant organisations retain a capacity for activism, namely the Babbar Khalsa under the leadership of Wadawa Singh and the Khalistan Commando Force led by Paramjit Singh Panjwar. They are believed to retain bases in Pakistan and to have an international circle of support. [19b]

5.6.25 According to the available information, none of the Sikh groups or militant organisations in Punjab are banned, [28] although the Indian Government regards the wing of the AISSF led by Daljit Singh Bittu as a terrorist organisation, and Bittu himself is in Tihar jail in Delhi (September 1998). [19d]

5.6.26 Various human rights organisations have strongly criticised the Punjab police for their misuse of power during the 1980s and early 1990s. Amnesty International reported that those who were arrested were detained for months or years without trial under provisions of special legislation suspending normal legal safeguards, and reports of torture during interrogation were said to be common. The arrest and detention of some detainees remained unacknowledged for weeks or months. Amnesty had received reports that many people simply disappeared, with the security forces refusing to admit that they had ever been arrested. It was feared that many of them had been killed in custody. [3a]

5.6.27 Amnesty International detected a pattern to the arrests, detentions, torture and disappearances which they reported. They concluded that Sikhs were often arrested on mere suspicion that they were linked to armed secessionist groups. Family members of suspects were arbitrarily detained and tortured in order to extract information about the suspect's whereabouts or activities. Amnesty said that women had been arrested and tortured simply to deter them from giving food and shelter to Sikh militants. They described torture in police custody as routine and there were persistent allegations that political prisoners died in custody as a result of torture. [3a]

5.6.28 Amnesty International also reported that hundreds of members or sympathisers of armed Sikh groups were allegedly captured, sometimes tortured, and then extra-judicially executed, the killings attributed by the police to armed "encounters". Amnesty stated that the police repeatedly frustrated attempts to bring those accused of human rights violations to justice. Legal safeguards for the protection of human rights do not apply to those arrested under special legislation relating to national security. [3a]

5.6.29 Most detainees in Punjab were arrested under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), which allowed detention for up to one year without charge for investigation into broadly defined offences. Prisoners held under the Act could be tried in camera and the burden of proof was shifted onto the accused to prove his or her innocence. Amnesty International reported that TADA had been interpreted to include actions entirely unrelated to violent political offences, and that trials conducted under TADA fell far short of international standards for fair trial. [3a]

See also Security legislation: paragraphs 5.2.6 - 5.2.9

5.6.30 In a later report, Amnesty International expressed concern at a series of incidents in which Punjab police illegally transgressed their operational jurisdiction, travelling to other Indian states to carry out under-cover operations which resulted in serious human rights violations. [3b]

See also The current situation in Punjab: paragraphs 5.6.42 - 5.6.58; Internal flight for Sikhs: paragraphs 5.6.67 - 5.6.72

5.6.31 In the aftermath of the violence, many relatives of victims came forward to pursue redress in the courts through the filing of petitions in cases of disappearance and other human rights violations. However in attempting to pursue redress through the courts, many families have faced direct harassment from the police and long delays in the judicial process. Human rights defenders in Punjab continue to be at risk of harassment for their activities. [3g]

5.6.32 In 1995 the Human Rights Wing of the Shiromani Akali Dal published the findings of research it had conducted into illegal cremations by the police. The organisation produced records from cremation grounds in Amritsar district, showing how several hundred "unclaimed" bodies had been cremated by the police. In several cases it claimed to have evidence to show that the bodies were those of individuals who had disappeared following arrest by the police and alleged that its findings suggested that the Punjab police had illegally cremated the bodies of many of those who had disappeared and who had subsequently been extra-judicially executed. [3g]

See also paragraphs 5.6.59 - 5.6.61: NHRC's investigations in Punjab

5.6.33 The Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture examined 56 male Sikhs between 1991 and 1996, of whom all but two were educated to at least secondary school level, and roughly half came from farming families and worked on the farm after finishing their education or had farming related jobs. The majority had belonged to an organisation such as the All India Sikh Student Federation. Most had been arrested on many occasions, usually for a short time ranging from 1 to 10 days, but the total time in custody ranged from 2 days to 8 months. Most were held by the police in the village police station, and a large majority were never charged with any offence. Some of the Sikhs in the study stated that in addition to their detentions, they had been arrested, questioned and threatened many times, but not detained. [30]

5.6.34 All the Sikhs examined by the Medical Foundation as part of the study claimed they had been severely ill-treated, usually worse in the first few days of detention. The methods of ill treatment included being beaten unconscious; being beaten with fists, boots, lathis (bamboo canes), leather belts with metal buckles, pattas (leather straps with wooden handles), rifle butts, metal rods or a metal chain. They were beaten on various parts of the body, including over the head and on the soles of the feet. Many had been suspended by the wrists or ankles and beaten; some had had their wrists tied behind their back and then were suspended, causing injuries to the shoulder joints. Electric shocks were given. [30]

5.6.35 Another torture method consisted of forcing the hips strongly apart, often to 180 degrees, repeatedly or continuously. A thick wooden roller or a ghotna (a pestle 4 feet long and 4 inches in diameter used for grinding corn) was often rolled down the calves or thighs with one or more of the heaviest policemen standing on it. [30]

5.6.36 Much of this abuse took place during interrogation sessions, but beatings also occurred randomly at other times, including late at night when the policemen were drunk. [30]

5.6.37 As well as physical abuse, many suffered psychological abuse such as threats of further punishment, death or harm to their families, mock executions and extreme humiliation. [30]

5.6.38 The Medical Foundation found that some of the Sikhs in their study were released spontaneously after representations by the village elders, a politician or lawyer, but on many occasions only after the payment of a large bribe. [30]

5.6.39 Hundreds of police officials have not been held accountable for the serious human rights abuses of the early 1990s, but steps have been taken against some of them. The CBI is actively pursuing charges against dozens of police officials implicated in the "mass cremations" case in Tarn Taran. (Source [20] pages 8-10 gives further details of the Cremation Grounds Investigation and the disappearance of Jaswant Singh Khalra, then head of the Human Rights Wing of Akali Dal). Approximately 100 police officials in Punjab were either facing charges, had been prosecuted, or were under investigation for human rights abuses at the end of 1998. [2a]

5.6.40 The Times of India in September 1997 reported Union Home Ministry figures that 123 police officials were facing trial for taking alleged illegal steps against terrorists, while 2,555 petitions had been filed against Punjab police officers by individuals and human rights organisations. The same article referred to a protest by Punjab police which said that police officers who had played a key role in containing terrorism in Punjab were now being harassed and hounded for alleged excesses and human rights violations. The protest gained momentum following the suicide of the former Tarn Taran SSP Ajit Singh, who the police claim was driven to this step because of a "witch hunt". [13a]

5.6.41 India Today reported that police officers in Punjab felt abandoned by the government and frustration is mounting in the force as more than 2,000 officers are being brought to account for the extra-judicial methods that were employed in fighting terrorism. In 1995, 585 petitions were filed in different courts. The number had doubled by June 1997, by which time the Punjab police were facing 85 CBI and 91 judicial probes. 30 policemen were in jail, around 100 were out on bail and 140, including seven SPs were facing prosecution. Further charges are expected as the CBI investigate cases involving unidentified bodies, mass cremations and disappearances from police custody. [11f]

See also National Human Rights Commission: paragraphs 5.2.14 - 5.2.27

5.6.42 The UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance was informed by political representatives during his visit to India in December 1996 that Sikhs were the victims of a policy of intolerance and discrimination based on religion pursued by the authorities. This policy of religious repression reached a climax in June 1984 with the storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar, and was followed by reprisals against Sikhs throughout India, but particularly in Delhi, after the murder of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984 by her Sikh bodyguards. It was alleged that Sikhs were being subjected to State terrorism which found expression in the desecration of holy places, murders, extra-judicial executions and forced disappearances of Sikhs. [6b]

5.6.43 The individuals who expressed these views to the Special Rapporteur stated that this policy had become less violent recently but was still being pursued by indirect means, such as the continuing presence of Indian security forces at the Golden Temple. [6b]

5.6.44 The Special Rapporteur was informed by other sources, including non-governmental and religious organisations, that the situation of conflict which existed in Punjab had no religious basis, rather it was purely political. The authorities were combating the development of a militant Sikh terrorist movement campaigning for a separate and autonomous Sikh state. The terrorists used religion to secure the support of Sikhs for a political cause. Certain Sikh political parties had exploited that situation for their own ends in the hope of obtaining advantages and concessions from the authorities and of increasing their influence among the Sikh population by creating confusion between religious and political matters. [6b]

5.6.45 According to these sources, the purpose of Operation Blue Star (the storming of the Golden Temple) undertaken in June 1984 had been to expel armed Sikh extremists from the sanctuary. There had been no intention of attacking the religious identity of Sikhs. The continued presence of security forces at the Golden Temple was necessary to remain vigilant against any attempt at destabilisation. Access to the place of worship had not been hindered. [6b]

5.6.46 These sources concluded that there was no religious problem, Sikhs enjoyed all their constitutional rights in the field of religion, including freedom of belief, freedom to practice their religion and freedom to proselytise. [6b]

5.6.47 The UN Special Rapporteur's own conclusions based on the information he had received, and as set out in his report of February 1997 was that the situation of Sikhs in the religious field is satisfactory. There were difficulties in the political field (foreign interference and terrorism) and economic field (in particular with regard to the sharing of water supplies). The Special Rapporteur noted information that there was discrimination in certain sectors of public administration, for example fewer Sikhs in the police force and no Sikhs in personal bodyguard units. Malfunctions in the administration of justice were described but they were connected with the anti-terrorist campaign rather than the Sikh beliefs of the accused. [6b]

5.6.48 Shortly after the 1992 elections, newspapers and magazines began to report that the situation in Punjab was improving. An indication of this was the vastly increased turnout at the local elections, in spite of terrorist threats. India Today in three articles reported agriculture and industry were returning to normal production levels. Punjabi-based business groups as well as multi-nationals were returning to the state; expansion plans were being drawn up and exports were improving. Indeed projects intended for other states have been relocated to Punjab. Hindu migrants were returning to the state and reclaiming their farms and factories. Social and cultural functions were again being held. [11e]

5.6.49 The South East Asia Straits Times reported that Punjab had returned to the path of peace and prosperity once more. Police roadblocks and the constant military presence had gone. Businesses had re-established themselves and prosperity and affluence were clearly evident. [18a]

5.6.50 The Documentation, Information and Research Branch (DIRB) of the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board interviewed four specialists on the situation in Punjab in January 1997. The panel broadly agreed that Sikh militancy in Punjab had been virtually eliminated. Militant organisations have been shut down, reduced in size or seriously weakened. Nevertheless the Sikh search for some sort of political supremacy in the region remained a powerful ideology, and although the militants' ability to assert themselves had been suspended, perhaps temporarily, future Sikh militant action could not be discounted. [4f]

5.6.51 The panel agreed that the central government has been attempting to rein in the Punjab police, who during the insurgency were responsible for large numbers of extrajudicial executions and disappearances. Investigations into allegations of human rights abuses have sent a strong signal that the climate of impunity for the Punjab police is ending, even though that climate has been deeply ingrained over many years and will take a long time to change. Reference is also made to the extensive human rights training for the police in India, which is seen as an example of the general trend in India towards recognising and addressing systemic problems with the police. [4f]

5.6.52 The Supreme Court was seen as clearly attempting to address the failure of the judiciary up until the mid 1990s to deal with human rights violations. Judicial protection in Punjab had improved and many people were using the judicial system. People who are not high profile militant suspects are not at risk in Punjab. They have much less to fear from the police and now have better access to judicial recourse if they are treated improperly. [4f]

5.6.53 The DIRB also interviewed representatives of three human rights groups which work in Punjab, and one human rights lawyer from Punjab. All were agreed that the human rights situation in Punjab had improved since the violence between 1984 and 1995. However there had been two recent cases of disappearances: those of the human rights worker Jaswant Singh Khalra in September 1995 and of Akali Dal (Mann) Publicity Secretary Kashmir Singh in March 1997. Torture and ill treatment in custody remain serious problems, but this was said to be a problem throughout India, not just in Punjab. [4h]

5.6.54 The human rights activists were of the opinion that the root causes of discontent and political friction in Punjab had not been addressed, and the legacy of 55,000 civilian deaths and 1,700 police deaths between 1984 and 1994 would not be erased easily. The state government of Punjab, although elected to fight state repression, had not been able to bring about a greater improvement in human rights observances, partly because of constraints from the central government in New Delhi. [4h]

5.6.55 Sikhs are coming forward in increasing numbers to press claims against the authorities, and people are beginning to have faith in the judicial process. Sikhs are bringing cases to human rights lawyers to be taken up in court, rather than to human rights groups for investigation, even though there are few lawyers taking on this type of work. However the human rights organisations were sceptical about the outcome of court cases against police officers, since the government is providing senior lawyers to defend them and is still posting many officers to areas in which they are alleged to have committed abuses. [4h]

5.6.56 Dr Cynthia Keppley Mahmood of the University of Maine agrees that conditions in Punjab have greatly improved since the worst days of the early 1990s, and that it is no longer accurate to say that any Sikh is at risk of persecution simply because of his or her religion. She refers to the work of the National Human Rights Commission and the prosecutions of individuals accused of human rights violations. Overt support for the militants has slipped dramatically, but the grievances which prompted the Khalistan movement are still there.

5.6.57 However Dr Mahmood points out that human rights abuses continue to occur in Punjab, the police are still out of control in many areas, and human rights workers have themselves been targets of harassment and abuse. Lawyers are encountering difficulties in getting cases against individuals accused of human rights violations actually organised and heard, because of pressure from the authorities to withdraw charges. Dr Mahmoud concludes that the current improvement does not represent a durable and fundamental shift in the Indian human rights climate. [19a], [19b] & [19c]

5.6.58 Sikhs do not constitute a persecuted group at the present time, and rank and file members of groups that were at one time targeted eg the AISSF, are in general terms now safe. There are exceptions such as people with a local history of abuse at the hands of the police, who may continue a personal vendetta; and militants together with their close relatives and supporters who continue to be followed as potential seeds for further rebellion. [4h]

5.6.59 On 12 December 1996 the Supreme Court gave an order requesting the NHRC to examine the allegations contained in two petitions filed in the Court. These alleged a pattern of human rights violations in Punjab and linked these to research, which found evidence of illegal cremations by Punjab police. However there has still been no comprehensive or consistent investigation into the allegations of human rights violations contained in the petitions. After a protracted debate about the role the NHRC should play in carrying out the Supreme Court's order, the NHRC issued an order in January 1999 which focused solely on the allegations of illegal cremations by police in one district of Punjab and would restrict the NHRC's role to awarding monetary compensation to only those families who can prove that their relatives were illegally cremated by police in that district between 1984 and 1994. [3g]

5.6.60 The original petitioners in the Supreme Court case are going back to the Court to ask that it clarify its original order or give further directions to the NHRC. [3g]

5.6.61 Amnesty International called on the Chair of the NHRC to review its order of January 1999, because the Supreme Court's order provided the NHRC with a unique opportunity to investigate a suspected pattern of grave human rights violations by the state and to ensure redress to hundreds of victims. Looking exclusively at only those cases where there is proof of illegal cremation by the police would exclude a vast number of human rights violations which have been reported from the state and which were referred to in the original petitions. Amnesty are further concerned that the NHRC appears to have restricted its role to that of awarding monetary compensation to relatives of victims of human rights violations. While compensation is part of redress, Amnesty believes that all the components of redress set out in Article 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights should be applied ie restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, and guarantees of non-repetition. [3g]

5.6.62 The Punjab State Human Rights Commission started work in July 1997 under the chairmanship of Justice V K Khanna, a former Chief Justice of the North East states. The Commission received 90 complaints of human rights violations in 1997, and 583 up to August 1998. 170 cases have been dealt with. The Commission has intervened in a number of cases of police excesses, torture and custodial deaths, and the Punjab Government has been forced to pay compensation. The Commission has started to inspect jails, with prior notice being given to the State Government, but the Commission wants the power to make unannounced visits. [12a]

See also Human rights concerns in Punjab: paragraphs 5.6.26 - 5.6.32

5.6.63 This Committee came into existence in November 1997, when a variety of human rights organisations and political groups came together. Its purpose was to develop a voluntary mechanism to collect and collate information on disappearances in Punjab; to evolve a workable system of state accountability; and to lobby for India to change its domestic laws to conform to UN instruments on torture, enforced disappearances and accountability. The Committee was set up following the demand of Indian human rights groups that the independent and thorough investigation into complaints of disappearances in Punjab be allowed to proceed unhampered. [20]

5.6.64 The Committee first met in December 1997, when it called on the Punjab State Government to constitute a Truth Commission to investigate all reports of human rights violations in the State. The Committee also decided to form a Peoples' Commission to undertake the enquiries as the Punjab Government declined to do so. [20]

5.6.65 The (unofficial) People's Commission on Human Rights met in Chandigarh on 8-10 August 1998. It comprised Justice D S Tiwatia, former Chief Justice of the Calcutta High Court, Justice H Suresh, retired judge of the Maharashtra High Court, and Justice Jaspal Singh, former judge of the Delhi High Court. [12a] The Commission was set up as an independent tribunal to examine complaints of illegal abductions, custodial torture, enforced disappearance, summary execution and illegal cremation. [20] The Commission has no legal jurisdiction, but it gave people who had suffered human rights abuses at the hands of the police the opportunity to air their grievances. Nearly 70 police officers who were implicated in cases of disappearances were identified for issue of notices to file their replies or appear in person before the Commission.

5.6.66 The Commission was scheduled to sit again in Ludhiana in October [12b] & [12c] and in Amritsar in November 1998, but both sittings were deferred. [12e]

5.6.67 The Indian Constitution guarantees Indian citizens the right to move freely throughout the territory of India, and to settle and reside in any part of the country. These rights are subject to restrictions as imposed by law in the interests of the general public. Punjabi Sikhs are able to relocate to another part of India and Sikhs outside Punjab are feeling more secure now than at any other time since the 1984 riots. Sikhs are a mobile community and as a result, there are Sikh communities all over India. [4i]

5.6.68 Some 4 million Sikhs live in India outside Punjab. Sikh communities are found in most Indian cities and in virtually all states. At the time of the 1981 census some 8% of Delhi's population was Sikh. They are generally urban and prosperous and they control important trades and occupy a prominent position within the central and regional administration. [4c] Most Sikhs, particularly the better educated and urban Sikhs, have some knowledge of English and/or Hindi. Punjabi Sikhs would have no more problem enrolling their children in school or obtaining employment than any other Indian relocating to a new area. [4i]

5.6.69 The increase of Sikh militancy outside Punjab during the period of insurgency led to instances of harassment of moderate Sikhs by extremists and to greater police surveillance of the Sikh community. There were also instances of communal violence, usually during periods of chaos and unrest that follow attacks by Sikh militants on Hindu targets. Some 2,150 Sikhs were killed in Delhi during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots that followed Indira Gandhi's assassination, and 50-60,000 fled the city. [4c]

5.6.70 However, at present there are no checks of any kind on a newcomer to any part of India arriving from another part of India, even if the person is a Punjabi Sikh. Local police forces have neither the resources nor the language abilities to perform background checks on people arriving from other parts of India. There is no system of registration of citizens, and often people have no identity cards, which in any event can be easily forged. [4i]

5.6.71 Sources disagree whether the Punjab police would pursue an individual they wanted to another part of India: some say it is unlikely, unless the individual had a very high profile or the Punjab police secured the involvement of the Central Bureau of Investigation or the Central Reserve Police Force. There have been instances where the Punjab police have acted on their own, for example where they pursued and killed, in May 1993 and June 1994, former residents of Punjab who had relocated to West Bengal and Nepal. [4i]

5.6.72 Other sources indicate that the Punjab police would be likely to pursue someone they wanted outside the state. People at risk would include militants or perceived militants and their families and close supporters. "History sheeters" ie those with a record of previous arrests and detentions and "habitual offenders" - those who are rounded up whenever anything untoward happens might also be at risk. Lists of habitual offenders are apparently distributed across India via the police computer system. [4i]

5.7 KASHMIR

5.7.1 The former Himalayan principality of Kashmir has been disputed by India and Pakistan since independence in 1947. It has been the cause of two of the three wars between India and Pakistan. India controls the state of Jammu and Kashmir, which constitutes two thirds of the region and is the only Muslim majority state in India. The remainder, Azad Kashmir, is part of Pakistan. [9c]

5.7.2 On Partition in 1947, Kashmir with its largely Muslim population was expected to go to Pakistan. The Hindu ruler wanted Kashmir to stay independent but faced a revolt in the west and the threat of invasion by Pathan tribesmen from Pakistan. In October 1947 the Maharajah signed an instrument of accession to India in return for military aid and the territory became a battlefront in fighting between India and Pakistan. A ceasefire came into effect in 1949. [9c] A UN Military Observer Group (UNMOGIP) has been in place monitoring this line ever since (redefined as the "Line of Control" after the 1971 war). [7d] Two further wars in 1965 and 1971 left positions virtually unchanged but convinced neither side to drop its claim to the whole of the territory. [9c]

5.7.3 The area to the east of the Line of Control (Ladakh, the Kashmir Valley and most of Jammu) constitutes the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. Muslims form about 95% of the population of the Kashmir Valley, while Hindus are in the majority in Jammu (about 65%). [7d]

5.7.4 The status of Kashmir remains highly sensitive for both India and Pakistan; many of the Kashmir Valley's population are unreconciled to being included in India but are divided as to whether they would prefer independence or to join Pakistan. Under the peace agreement signed at Simla in July 1972, both sides agreed "to settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by other peaceful means mutually agreed on between them", and they committed themselves to a final settlement of the problem. The Indians have since held that, by this agreement, Pakistan is precluded from invoking the United Nations resolutions in an effort to resolve problems with India. Pakistan does not accept this interpretation and regularly calls for a peaceful settlement "on the basis of the UN resolutions and in the spirit of the Simla Agreement". [7d]

5.7.5 Within Jammu and Kashmir, there was growing dissatisfaction throughout the 1980s with what was seen as increased corruption in local government and interference by central government. This came to a head after the 1987 state elections which were widely viewed as having been rigged in favour of the Congress (I) backed Kashmir National Conference and against the Muslim United Front. Incidents of violence in Kashmir increased. The Indian army was sent into the state in large numbers after the state government was dismissed and President's Rule was imposed in 1990. [4d] This lasted until the 1996 state assembly elections. [9c] Following select killings of community members and widespread anarchy, almost the entire Hindu community (Pandits) of the Kashmir Valley is reported to have fled during 1989-90 when numerous secessionist groups took control of the region. [21]

5.7.6 Tensions escalated in October 1993 following the siege of the Muslim shrine of Hazratbal in Srinagar by the Indian security forces which continued until August 1994, sparking protests, strikes and hunger strikes. [4d] A further wave of anger swept through the Kashmir Valley following the Indian Army operation in Charar-e-Sharief in May 1995, as a result of which 20 militants and 2 soldiers were killed and a fire engulfed more than half the town, including the shrine. [11g]

5.7.7 Parliamentary elections were held in Kashmir in May 1996 after six years of fighting. The National Conference boycotted the elections, in which Congress (I) won 4 of the 6 seats. [10g], [8i] & [8j] Parliamentary elections were also held in 1998 in which the National Conference won 3 seats, the BJP 2 seats and Congress (I) 1 seat. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference called for a boycott of the poll. Polling was peaceful, although there were six incidents, apparently minor, when militant groups attempted to disrupt the voting by throwing grenades and exploding land mines. The Hindustan Times reported that some 30% to 40% of voters turned out. [9e], [14a] & [14b]

5.7.8 Elections for the Jammu and Kashmir State Assembly were held in September 1996, the first since the previous elections in 1987. The previous assembly was dissolved in February 1990 and the state had been under direct rule from New Delhi since then. All the major parties participated in the election, with the exception of the All Parties Hurriyat (Freedom) Conference which boycotted the poll. The elections took place amid tight security and fears that militants would disrupt the elections. There was violence in scattered areas with deaths and shooting across the border with Pakistan, anti-government protests, bombings, state-wide strikes and the detentions of separatist leaders. A record number of candidates stood for election. The elections were seen as free and fair in some areas of the state, while in others there were irregularities, and claims that people were being coerced to vote. There were protests against the elections in (Pakistan controlled) Azad Kashmir. [8k] & [8m]

5.7.9 The election results were: [1]

5.7.10 On 9 October 1996 Farooq Abdullah, chairman of the National Conference was sworn in as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. The All Parties Hurriyat (Freedom) Conference vowed to continue the fight against the government. [8p]

5.7.11 Under the new state government, the state police was restructured, strengthened from 38,000 to 50,000 men and prepared for a counter-insurgency role. The Special Operations Group (SOG), earlier known as the Special Task Force, was given more and better communications and transport facilities, training by security agencies and a supplement of some 12,000 Special Police Officers (SPOs), local people, including many renegades, with good local knowledge and links in the population. [3f]

5.7.12 Police security operations against the militants became proactive, particularly after the BJP Government came to power in 1998. The new government expressed a will to adopt a proactive approach to what were described as "infiltrators and Pakistani and Afghan mercenaries" carrying out the armed struggle in Jammu and Kashmir. Security forces were called upon to initiate operations against members of armed opposition groups rather than react to attacks initiated by them. [3f]

5.7.13 The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front was one of the main militant groups operating in Kashmir, but by 1993 it had lost its military ascendancy to the Hizb-ul Mujahedin, although politically it claimed to have retained the support of the majority of the people. In 1994 the JKLF leader, Yasin Malik, renounced the armed struggle and made an offer of political negotiations. This non-violent approach caused a rift with Amanullah Khan, who has continued to operate as chairman of the JKLF in absentia from Rawalpindi and Muzaffarabad. [29] The JKLF remains proscribed by the Indian authorities. [28]

5.7.14 The main militant groups currently active in the Kashmir valley are the Hizbul Mujahedin, Harkat-ul-Ansar [29] (which has split into the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and the Harkat-ul-Jehad-e-Islami) Lakshyar-e-Toiba [23] and Al Badr.

5.7.15 Also active is the All Party Freedom (Hurriyat) Conference, formed in September 1993. This is an umbrella group of over 30 trade unions, political and religious organisations working together to separate from India. It has led strikes and protests in Jammu and Kashmir. [4d]

5.7.16 India accuses Pakistan of arming and training the militants, while Pakistan says it provides only diplomatic support. [9c]

5.7.17 In a new development in Kashmir, Pakistan-backed militant groups massacred Hindu civilians in at least 6 separate incidents in the first 9 months of 1998. Most of the killings took place in Doda district and in the border villages and appeared to represent a tactical shift for militant groups that had been largely driven out of major towns in the Kashmir valley. On 25 January 1998, unidentified gunmen shot dead 23 members of 2 Hindu families in the village of Wandhama. On 18 April 1998, militants hacked to death 26 people in 2 villages in Udhampur district. A 26 April 1998 attack on a village in Azad Kashmir appeared to have been carried out in retaliation for the Udhampur massacre. On 19 June 1998 separatist guerrillas shot dead at least 25 male members of 2 Hindu wedding parties, including both the bridegrooms in Chapnari village in Doda district. [26]

5.7.18 On 25 July 1998, 4 people were killed in Hadi Dhoke; on 28 July 1998 militants massacred 16 Hindus in Doda district; and on 3 August, 35 people were shot dead in Chamba district, in the neighbouring state of Himachal Pradesh. [26]

5.7.19 Violence continued into 1999, with the alleged mastermind of the Chamba massacre apparently amongst those separatists killed in a gun battle with police in the Doda district in February. [9q] On 20 February 1999, terrorists killed 7 Hindus at a wedding party in a remote village to the north of Jammu, and 4 other Hindus in a nearby village. 9 members of a Hindu family, including 7 women were killed in a separate attack on the same day. [23]

5.7.20 On 20 July 1999, 15 people, including 5 women, were killed by militants in Thattri village, Doda district. Most of the victims were Hindus. This incident came amid mounting fears of a violent backlash by separatist insurgents following the 2 month clash between Indian armed forces and hundreds of infiltrators at Kargil. [8d]

See also paragraph 5.7.25

5.7.21 An additional factor in the situation is the relations between India and Pakistan. The armies of the two countries face each other across the Line of Control and there are frequent reports of artillery exchanges. Pakistan accuses the Indian army of shelling villages in Azad Kashmir and India accuses the Pakistani forces of targeting Indian army positions to help Kashmiri rebels to cross the Line. [4d]

5.7.22 An outbreak of firing between Indian and Pakistani troops started on 25 June 1998 and continued for a week. The Poonch and Kupwara districts were particularly affected with fatalities, injuries and damage to villages caused by Pakistani mortar bombs and artillery fire. [9i]

5.7.23 Shelling across the Line of Control intensified towards the end of July, with an Indian Army colonel being killed near the Line in Baramulla District on 18 July. [10n] It is reported that there were 350 incidents of cross border firing in Kashmir between January and June 1998. [9h]

5.7.24 In the aftermath of India’s nuclear tests in May 1998, an upsurge in shelling and shooting by Indian and Pakistani troops stationed along the Line of Control in Kashmir left over 100 civilians dead. Although India maintained that the exchanges represented a "seasonal" phenomenon, observers in Kashmir reported that the shelling was the heaviest in recent years. [26]

5.7.25 A serious escalation of the conflict in Kashmir occurred in May 1999 in response to the largest infiltration of Islamic guerrillas into Jammu and Kashmir in recent years. India attacked the guerrilla positions with jet fighters and helicopter gunships. After frequent skirmishes along the Line of Control earlier in the month, a prolonged battle developed after insurgents, under cover of artillery fire from Pakistan, had launched a rocket attack on 9 May on an Indian ammunition dump near the town of Kargil in northern Kashmir. Pursuing the attackers, Indian troops discovered at least 600 well armed militants had occupied bunkers on a ridge overlooking the town.

5.7.26 It had been reported that the infiltrators had been trained in camps in Azad Kashmir by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Agency (ISI). Pakistan denied that it had any control over the guerrillas, and denied Indian allegations that some of Pakistan's own troops were fighting alongside them. [5d]

5.7.27 By 11 July 1999 India and Pakistan had agreed on a plan for the infiltrators to withdraw from Jammu and Kashmir. [8b]. On 17 July India announced that it believed that most of the infiltrators had withdrawn from the Indian side of the Line of Control. [8c]

5.7.28 Human rights violations, including arbitrary arrests, torture leading to hundreds of deaths in custody, and extra-judicial executions perpetrated by state police and armed and paramilitary forces soared in the early 1990s. Armed opposition groups were reported to have taken hundreds of civilians hostage and to have tortured and killed hundreds of unarmed civilians. [3f]

5.7.29 Reliable figures of the number of deaths in Jammu and Kashmir as a result of the conflict are impossible to obtain. According to official reports 19,866 people have died in Jammu and Kashmir since January 1990. This includes 9,123 members of armed opposition groups; 6,673 victims of armed opposition groups; 2,477 civilians killed by Indian security forces and 1,593 security personnel. These figures do not reflect the number of victims who were deliberately or arbitrarily killed or died as the result of torture inflicted in the custody of state agents. Some observers consider that there are some 350-400 such deaths each year. [3f] During 1998, according to Government figures, 867 civilians, 232 members of the security forces and 999 militants were killed in the state. [2a]

5.7.30 The US State Department Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998, issued in February 1999, focuses on Kashmir and sets out concerns relating to human rights abuses by the security forces, which include torture and disappearances; a disrupted judicial system which faces threats from militants; and judicial tolerance of the Government's heavy handed anti-militant tactics. Security forces offered bounties for wanted militants brought in dead or alive. The Government stated that security forces killed 999 militants in Jammu and Kashmir during 1998, many in armed encounters. Kashmiri separatist groups maintain that many such "encounters" are faked and that suspected militants offering no resistance are summarily executed. Human rights groups allege that this is particularly true in the case of security force "encounters" with non-Kashmiri militants who have crossed into Jammu and Kashmir illegally. [2a]

5.7.31 Although well-documented evidence to corroborate cases and quantify trends is lacking, most observers believe that the number of killings attributed to regular Indian forces showed no improvement from 1997. [2a]

5.7.32 The UN Special Rapporteurs on Torture and Extra-judicial Execution renewed their requests to the Government in 1998 to visit Jammu and Kashmir, but were not permitted to do so. [2a]

5.7.33 There were also disappearances, most of which occurred between 1983 and 1995. They were attributable to the police authorities, the army and paramilitary groups acting in conjunction with, or with the acquiescence of, the armed forces. In Kashmir numerous people are said to have disappeared after "shoot outs" with security forces. [6d] Abduction and hostage taking of unarmed civilians are also by armed opposition groups to seek to free arrested associates or to frighten or harass the population. Amnesty report that the victims of disappearance belong to all ages, including children and juveniles, and all professions and most appear to be ordinary civilians who have no connections with armed opposition groups operating in Jammu and Kashmir. [3f] & [2a]

5.7.34 The fate of the victim remains unknown in many cases and the perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice. Investigations into cases of disappearances are rarely carried out and when they are, they are usually conducted by police or army officials rather than by an independent body. Police often fail to register detentions or file arrest warrants, and they are then able to deny holding a detainee. [6d]

5.7.35 Amnesty International reported that during 1998 there were fewer disappearances in Jammu and Kashmir than in previous years, but many of the early cases remain unresolved. Amnesty also reported that no effective measures have been taken to end disappearances and to investigate the fate of hundreds of people who have disappeared, including the more than 100 cases submitted by Amnesty in its 1993 report. [3f]

5.7.36 Several laws in operation in Jammu and Kashmir facilitate human rights violations and the impunity with which they are perpetrated by inadequately safeguarding the rights of those under arrest and detention. Cases are filed against individuals under the Terrorism and Disruptive Activities Act (TADA) for offences allegedly committed before the Act lapsed in 1995. In January 1997 the Supreme Court expressed concern about the continuing detention of people under TADA and its misuse to detain those who should be charged under the ordinary criminal law. [3f]

5.7.37 The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 was introduced in Jammu and Kashmir in 1990 and gives the armed and paramilitary forces sweeping powers which facilitate arbitrary arrest and detention and extrajudicial executions and reinforce the impunity of offenders acting under it. The Jammu and Kashmir Disturbed Areas Act 1992 gives similar powers to the police in areas declared to be disturbed. The United Nations Human Rights Committee in its July 1997 report expressed its concern at the continued reliance on special powers in areas declared to be disturbed, and at serious human rights violations committed by security and armed forces acting under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act and other laws such as the Public Safety Act and the National Security Act. [3f]

5.7.38 The special laws require the Union Government to give sanction for prosecution of military and other central forces and the state government to give sanction for prosecution of police acting under such legislation - this is withheld as a matter of course. The United Nations Human Rights Committee reported that this requirement contributes to a climate of impunity and deprives people of the remedies to which they may be entitled. Amnesty is concerned that the Government of India has shielded offenders in the security forces from international scrutiny. Amnesty has submitted cases of alleged disappearances, calling for impartial investigations, but the Government has denied that the violations have occurred and insisted that effective remedies are in place for everyone who wishes to seek redress. [3f]

5.7.39 Legal and constitutional safeguards, including the right to be brought before a magistrate within 24 hours of arrest and to consult a lawyer of one’s choice, are not available to those held under preventive detention legislation such as the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act 1978. [3f]

5.7.40 In July 1997 Justice A Q Parray of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court observed in a case of torture allegedly perpetrated by the counter-insurgency wing of the state police that the "police Task Force are still behaving in a way which is neither recognised by law nor is provided by any procedure established by law". The Jammu and Kashmir state police have shown a disregard for the rule of law in their expanding counter-insurgency operations, leading to increasing allegations of arbitrary arrests, torture, killings and disappearance perpetrated by police officers themselves and reports of their connivance in abuses committed by other agencies such as the renegades. It is also shown in the way police have obstructed victims’ and families’ access to redress. Lawyers and activists in Jammu and Kashmir have repeatedly asserted that there is systematic disregard of the right to file a complaint with the police and that local police have been instructed to refuse to register complaints without first obtaining permission from higher authorities. [3f]

5.7.41 Impunity remains a serious problem in Jammu and Kashmir. Security forces have committed thousands of serious human rights violations over the course of the conflict, including extra-judicial killings, disappearances, and torture. Despite this record of abuse, the Indian Defence Minister told Parliament that during the period from 1 January to 22 July 1998, no members of the army had been prosecuted and punished for any of these crimes, nor had any compensation been paid to the victims or their families. According to the Union Home Ministry, between January 1990 and September 1998, only 295 members of the security forces were punished for human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir. [2a] Army admissions of human rights violations have usually been followed by assertions that abuses have been investigated and perpetrators brought to justice. The numbers given vary which makes it difficult to obtain an accurate numerical account. Few of the statements given by the army contain details about the nature of the allegations or the offences, the nature, composition and terms of reference of the inquiries, the identity of the offenders and the punishments awarded. Amnesty are not aware of any case in which those responsible for "disappearing" a person in custody have been convicted and sentenced. [3f]

5.7.42 Amnesty is aware of cases where the security forces have not only defied the courts but have also actively threatened, harassed or intimidated relatives of disappeared persons and other victims of human rights violations to stop them from seeking redress. [3f]

5.7.43 Scrutiny by the NHRC and international human rights organisations, when permitted, and the persistence of individual magistrates have resulted in greater accountability of the security forces in Jammu and Kashmir over the years. However, in July 1998, the Government rejected the NHRC's recommendations to bring the army and paramilitary forces under closer scrutiny by the NHRC to allow it to probe complaints of their excesses. The NHRC in its 1996-1997 report noted that the security forces are making a conscious and serious effort to exercise restraint. Despite this effort, the NHRC continues to receive complaints alleging human rights violations by the security forces, especially from Jammu and Kashmir and the north-eastern states. The vast majority of violations by security forces has gone and continue to go uninvestigated and unpunished. [2a]

5.7.44 The Jammu and Kashmir police acknowledged that 1,228 suspected militants were arrested during 1998 and that an additional 187 had surrendered. Of this number, 529 were released after preliminary questioning, 457 were charged under special security laws, and the remainder were released at a later stage of judicial review. In addition, the Jammu and Kashmir police stated that they held 514 persons at the end of 1998 under the Public Safety Act (PSA). [2a]

5.7.45 Human rights groups maintain that as many as 2,000 more are held by the military and paramilitary forces in long-term unacknowledged detention in interrogation centres and transit camps in Jammu and Kashmir and in the north-east of India which are nominally intended for only short-term confinement. Human rights groups fear that many of these unacknowledged prisoners are subject to torture and extra-judicial killing. According to one NGO, at the end of 1998 there were 300 to 350 writs of habeas corpus pending in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court. [2a]

5.7.46 The Government maintains that screening committees run by the state governments provide information about detainees to their families. However, other sources indicate that families are able to confirm the detention of their relatives only by bribing prison guards. A programme of prison visits by the ICRC, which began in October 1995, is designed in part to help assure communications between detainees and their families. [2a]

5.7.47 Between January and August 1998, the ICRC visited approximately 1,200 detainees in 28 places of detention. All acknowledged detention centres in Jammu and Kashmir and Kashmiri detainees elsewhere in the country have been visited. The ICRC is not authorised to enter interrogation centres or transit centres, nor does it have access to regular detention centres in the north east. [2a]

5.7.48 There are also concerns about the numerous abuses committed by the separatist militants which included extra-judicial executions, political killings, torture, kidnapping, extortion and acts of random terror which killed hundreds of Kashmiris. Fear of political violence drove most Hindus in the Kashmir Valley to seek refuge in camps in Jammu or with relatives in New Delhi or elsewhere. [2a]

5.7.49 The higher judiciary in Jammu and Kashmir appears in many ways unable or unwilling to provide justice to the disappeared and their families. There are lengthy delays in hearing habeas corpus petitions. There is a large proportion of unconfirmed judges, which makes them open to government pressure. Some judges, who have been transferred after making observations critical of the government, are hesitant to make a judgement or pass an order: instead they repeatedly adjourn cases. [3f]

5.7.50 The Jammu and Kashmir High Court appears to be unduly lenient towards the non-appearance of respondents or other non-compliance with court orders. Usually hearings are adjourned and respondents given more time to appear and respond. The state regularly fails to respond to court orders to file objections following the submission of reports of judicial enquiries relating to cases of disappearance. In a few cases the court has attempted to enforce compliance by imposing fines on state representatives for failure to respond to the order to file objections. The fining of state agents for non-compliance with court orders does not apear to have had any significant impact on the state’s attitude. [3f]

5.7.51 Ordinary people in Jammu and Kashmir are frequently unaware of their right to legal redress, they do not trust the judicial process, and they usually also lack the financial resources to sustain an often long drawn judicial process, especially if they live in remote places a long distance away from the seat of the court. Many a petition has been dismissed in default simply because family members could not afford to travel to the court or to pay legal fees. [3f]

5.7.52 The Jammu and Kashmir Protection of Human Rights Act 1997 established a state human rights commission and human rights courts. The Commission is empowered to enquire into any complaint of a violation of human rights presented to it by a victim or any person on his behalf. It can also intervene in any proceeding involving any allegation or violation of human rights pending before a court with the approval of the court. [10k]

5.7.53 The Commission may also visit any jail or detention centre. It can also review human rights legislation and recommend measures for its effective implementation. [10k] However the panel is not empowered to examine alleged abuses by the army or paramilitary forces or any other central agencies. [3f] The team is headed by a retired High Court Judge and one of the members is a serving district judge. The 5 member commission was created on 8 August 1997. [8r] & [8s]

5.7.54 Amnesty International is concerned about the restrictions placed on the functioning of the Jammu and Kashmir Human Rights Commission and its effectiveness in carrying out its mandate. Amnesty has called for a review of the state legislation establishing the Jammu and Kashmir Human Rights Commission to ensure that its powers are at least on par with those of the National Human Rights Commission in the rest of India and that it has the resources and powers to carry out its mandate fully. [3d] Human rights activists have stated that the Jammu and Kashmir HRC has not yet demonstrated effective, independent protection of human rights in the state [2a], nor to have vigorously pursued allegations of disappearances in the state, even when allegedly perpetrated by forces other than the security forces and thus well within its mandate to investigate. [3f]

5.8 RELIGIOUS MINORITIES

5.8.1 The preamble to the Indian Constitution proclaims India's commitment to democracy and secularism and guarantees all citizens freedom of religion and belief as well as the right to practise religion freely. [6b]

5.8.2 The Penal Code prohibits and punishes any violation of tolerance and non-discrimination based on religion or belief:

¨ promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion (Section 135A);

¨ injuring or defiling a place of worship with intent to insult the religion of any class (Section 295);

¨ deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage the religious feeling of any class by insulting its religion (Section 295A);

¨ disturbing religious assembly (Section 296);

¨ uttering words with deliberate intent to wound religious feelings (Section 298) [35]

5.8.3 Under the Representation of the People Act 1951, it is an offence for a candidate to call upon someone to vote or to abstain from voting by playing on his religion, or using religious symbols as a means of promoting that candidate's election prospects. [6b]

5.8.4 The following table gives the population percentages of the main religious groups: [1]

5.8.5 The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance concluded that the situation in India relating to tolerance and non-discrimination based on religion is generally satisfactory. The country's commitment to democracy, sound democratic institutions, legislative and government measures, and the secular nature of the state all contributed to religious tolerance in India. [6b]

5.8.6 Buddhist and Zoroastrian minorities are able to practise their religion freely, possess adequate numbers of places of worship and religious publications, and refrain from proselytising among other communities. Buddhists and Zoroastrians are said to be fully integrated into society. [6b]

5.8.7 Muslims constitute India's largest minority as well as the second largest Muslim community in the world after Indonesia, and before that of Pakistan. [6b]

5.8.8 The Indian authorities do not restrict the religious activities of Muslims. Muslims have freedom of religious practice and freedom to organise their services according to their codes, religious teachings and customs. [6b] Muslims do not benefit from special reservations in education and employment. They are reportedly under-represented in the civil service, the military and institutions of higher education. [21]

5.8.9 In Jammu and Kashmir, the only state in India where Muslims are in the majority [21], the religious situation is seriously affected by the armed conflict between the Indian army and the militant extremists. There have been several incidents of attacks on mosques in Jammu and Kashmir including the destruction of the Charar-e-Sharief sanctuary on 11 May 1995. [6b]

See also Kashmir: Section 5.7

5.8.10 Muslims in India have their own educational establishments, including the madrasa religious schools responsible for disseminating the teachings of Islam. Muslims possess a large number of places of worship as well as the Waqf Board which is responsible for the management of property belonging to religious communities and charitable institutions. [6b]

5.8.11 Several mosques have been destroyed in India, most notably the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya on 6 December 1992. The UN Rapporteur stated that according to official and non-governmental observers, the destruction of the Babri Masjid was an aberration which could not be interpreted as evidence of an official policy of religious intolerance directed against Muslims. [6b]

See also Destruction of Ayodhya Mosque: paragraphs 5.8.16 - 5.8.25

5.8.12 The UN Special Rapporteur stated that he was concerned about the possible repetition of such incidents at places of worship that are disputed by Muslims and Hindus. [6b]

5.8.13 Various parts of India have suffered inter-communal violence between Hindus and Muslims, in particular the state of Gujarat, where such violence pre-dates Indian independence. The state's population of 4.8 million is 60% Hindu and 40% Muslim. Rival religious celebrations have often sparked off conflict, with elements on both sides trying to provoke one another. One flash point has been the Hindu Rath Yatra (Unity) procession, held each July. Tension in the state has also been fuelled by wider developments in Hindu-Muslim relations, in particular since 1986 by the Ayodhya controversy. [7a]

5.8.14 The antagonism has been exacerbated by non-religious considerations. Muslims have accused Hindu organisations, such as the Rashtriya Swayam Sewaksangh (RSS), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Shiv Sena, of deliberately seeking to drive them out of the cities, where many Muslims are textile workers, craftsmen and shopkeepers, so that Hindus can take over their jobs and businesses. Hindu leaders have rejected the charge. Muslims have also alleged that the predominantly Hindu local police make little effort to protect their community during riots. [7a]

5.8.15 Clashes between Hindus and Muslims occurred in November 1997 and February 1998 in Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu. In June 1998 there were Hindu-Muslim clashes in Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. [2a] At the end of December 1998 5 people were killed and 50 wounded in Karnataka, and 3 were killed in religious clashes in Amod in Gujarat. [9f]

5.8.16 The BJP and its allies had called repeatedly for the mosque at Ayodhya (the Babri Masjid built in the 16th century by the Mughal emperor Babar) to be replaced by a temple honouring the Hindu deity, Lord Ram. [5a] In 1990 the then BJP leader, Lal Krishna Advani, led a procession of Hindu devotees to the town to begin construction of a Hindu temple. Paramilitary troops were sent to Ayodhya and thousands of Hindu activists were arrested in an attempt to prevent a Muslim-Hindu confrontation. However following repeated clashes between police and crowds, Hindu extremists stormed and slightly damaged the mosque and laid siege to it for several days. [1]

5.8.17 Then on 6 December 1992 around 100,000 Hindu kar sevaks (construction volunteers) responded to a call by the BJP and other Hindu organisations, including the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to resume construction work on the temple at Ayodhya. A small mob of Hindu zealots stormed past guards and razed the mosque to the ground. [5a]

5.8.18 Within hours of the mosque's destruction, Ayodhya was gripped by fighting between Hindus and Muslims. By the following day there were reports of numerous deaths and arson attacks on Hindu and Muslim shrines across India despite strict security arrangements in most states. The worst affected cities were Bhopal, Bombay, Calcutta, Delhi, Jaipur, Kanpur and Surat. Southern states were also affected. [5a]

5.8.19 The demolition of the mosque triggered angry reactions across the Muslim world and led to the deaths of an estimated 25 people in neighbouring Muslim states. [5a]

5.8.20 The Indian Government strongly condemned the desecration and demolition of the holy building and pledged to re-build it. The leaders of the BJP, including L K Advani and the party's president, Dr Murli Manohar Joshi, and the leaders of the VHP were arrested, the BJP Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh resigned, the state legislature was dissolved and Uttar Pradesh was placed under President's Rule. On 8 December the security forces took full control of Ayodhya, including the disputed complex, meeting with little resistance. [1] A few days later the Government banned five communal organisations, 3 Hindu and 2 Muslim, under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 [27], on the grounds that they promoted disharmony among different religious communities. [1]

5.8.21 The banned organisations were: Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) (VHP), Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bajrang Dal, Islamic Sevak Sengh (ISS) and Jamaat-I-Islami Hind. [27] The ban on these groups has since been lifted. [28]

5.8.22 In January 1993 there was a resurgence of Hindu-Muslim violence in Bombay and in Ahmedabad. Curfews were imposed and thousands of extra paramilitary troops were sent to curb the serious unrest. Despite a ban on communal rallies, thousands of Hindu militants attempted to converge on the centre of New Delhi to attend a mass rally organised by the BJP on 25 February. Thousands of BJP activists were arrested throughout India in an effort to prevent the rally taking place, and the crowds that did gather were dispersed by the security forces using batons and tear gas. On 12 March 1993 there were a number of bomb explosions in Bombay which caused about 250 casualties. [1]

5.8.23 It was not until September 1997 that a court indicted 49 people on criminal charges over the demolition of the mosque. Among them were Lal Krishna Advani, then BJP president; Murli Manohar Joshi, former BJP president, and Bal Thackeray, the leader of Shiv Sena. The charges include rioting, creating hatred between two religious communities, defiling a place of worship and causing grievous hurt by threatening and damaging the life and safety of others. The BJP leaders claimed they were innocent and that the party was not responsible for destroying the mosque. [8f]

5.8.24 The Supreme Court in 1994 ordered that no activity should take place in or around the disputed area until a lower court gave its verdict on a number of title suits filed by Hindu and Muslim groups. The BJP Prime Minister Vajpayee has stated that he will abide by the court's ruling on the ownership of the site and Home Minister L K Advani has stated that temple building is not on the government's agenda. Nevertheless the BJP manifesto for the 1998 general election stated that the party was "committed to facilitate the construction of a magnificent Rama Mandir at Ayodhya". [8z]

5.8.25 However the VHP is leading a campaign to build a temple on the site, a prospect which angers India's Muslims. The VHP has vowed to ignore any court or government orders on the issue. The government has come under fire from its opponents in Parliament since it came to office in March 1998 for allowing Hindu revivalist groups to carry out temple construction near the site. The Press Trust of India quoted Mr Advani as saying that no construction work was taking place at the disputed site. [8z]

5.8.26 Christians constitute the second largest minority in India, after Muslims. The Indian authorities do not interfere with their internal religious activities, which may be conducted freely. Christians are well integrated into Indian society. [6b]

5.8.27 Public schools provide secular education. Minorities can establish their own schools; these include schools providing a general education but in addition offering religious instruction to Christian pupils, and also religious establishments such as seminaries. [6b]

5.8.28 There is constitutional freedom to produce and disseminate religious publications, including the Bible. [6b]

5.8.29 Christians have an adequate number of places of worship, although there have been isolated cases of obstacles to the construction of places of worship. This is attributed to slow administrative procedures, affecting all communities. [6b]

5.8.30 Proselytising activities have been hampered by abusive official interpretations of legislation prohibiting all forced conversion, or by accusations of obtaining conversions by offers of material benefits. Some foreign missionaries have encountered administrative obstacles when seeking visas to enter India, and there are instances of restrictions on transfers of foreign funds destined for Christian institutions in certain states. [6b]

5.8.31 There is an active lobby of converts belonging to scheduled castes who are protesting against the withdrawal of State measures benefiting untouchables (reservation of positions in the public education system, reserved jobs in State enterprises) when they convert from Hinduism. This practice was seen as an obstacle to conversion. [6b]

5.8.32 Catholics in the central and northern states of India have reported that since the BJP came to power, there has been an increase in the number of attacks against convents, schools and Catholic missions, especially in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Up to 1 October 1998, at least 2 members of religious communities had been killed. [21]

5.8.33 During one week in September 1998, 3 convents were attacked by armed men in Madhya Pradesh (in Jhabua district on 23 September), Uttar Pradesh and near Calcutta, resulting in the rape or physical injury of nuns. [21]

5.8.34 The United Christian Forum for Human Rights (UCFHR) in India stated that it had recorded nearly 120 cases of rape, Bible burning, assault and other forms of violence against Christians during 1998. This compared to 40 cases recorded between 1964 and 1996. [9g] Most of these incidents have occurred in Gujarat. It is said that those extremist groups which have been terrorising Christians have been emboldened by the BJP's coming to power at the head of a coalition government. The BJP also forms the state government of Gujarat. [9j]

5.8.35 Concerns have been expressed that these attacks have been carried out directly by, or in connivance with, right wing Hindu groups with links to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, including the VHP and Bajrang Dal. These groups have spoken out strongly against the alleged forcible conversion of tribal people and others by Christian missionaries, justified attacks on Christians and their property and advocated their expulsion from India. [3e]

5.8.36 Much of the violence against Christians has centred around deprived areas of India where Christian missionaries have traditionally carried out development activities with tribal and dalit communities, organising health and educational services. [3e]

5.8.37 Some of the worst violence occurred in the Dangs district of Gujarat, where Hindu mobs went on the rampage for several weeks starting on Christmas Day 1998. The attackers burnt churches and missionary schools, and injured priests and nuns. Christians blame Hindu activists for the violence. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) denied instigating such violence, but it criticised evangelists who it said were forcing Hindus to convert. The VHP regarded these conversions as an assault on the Hindu religion and culture. Christians dismissed these accusations, saying that they were administering charity to the area's poor. [9l] & [9m]

5.8.38 The Prime Minister, A B Vajpayee, who visited the Dangs area, stated that the Government would not tolerate any further attacks on the Christian minority. The Union Home Ministry sent a team of officials to investigate the attacks. Security forces were deployed in the affected areas to guard missionaries and churches. [9m] Further violence took place on the day the Gujarat Chief Minister rejected an interim report by the National Commission for Minorities on the situation in the state as "biased and one-sided". The report found that attacks on Christians and their property had been carried out with the connivance of Hindu groups and was critical of the Gujarat government's role in failing to protect minorities. [3e]

5.8.39 The Union Government reacted to the violence against Christians with statements criticising what had happened, but efforts to prevent such incidents from occurring and to prosecute those responsible at the state and local levels were inadequate. [2a]

5.8.40 Anti-Christian violence has spread to other areas of India. In Kerala Hindu activists were arrested on 26 January 1999 after an attack on Christian students; and 2 pastors were seriously injured in an attack by RSS activists in early February, also in Kerala. [9n] In Orissa an Australian missionary, Graham Staines, and his 2 sons were burnt alive in their jeep in late January 1999. The police blamed activists of the Bajrang Dal for the murder, but the VHP vice-president denied that the VHP or the Bajrang Dal were involved. [9p] A case has been registered with the police and around 50 people have been arrested. [3e] The Indian Government ordered a judicial inquiry into the incident to be conducted by a sitting Supreme Court judge. The National Human Rights Commission is also investigating the incident. The Government of Orissa has handed over its enquiry to the federal Central Bureau of Investigation. [10a]

5.8.41 The Wadhwa Commission, which investigated the murder of Graham Staines and his sons, presented its report on 6 August 1999. The report concluded that Dara Singh, a Hindu fundamentalist, was responsible for leading and inciting a crowd into the murder of Staines and his sons, and that there was no evidence that any authority or organisation was involved. [8e] The president of the All India Christian Council, Dr Joseph D'Souza, and the National Convenor of the United Christian Forum for Human Rights, John Dayal, expressed disappointment in the Commission's findings. They deplored the state authorities and central government for their failure to provide the Commission with all the facts about the violence against the Christian community in India. They stated that the Commission had not been given a free hand to investigate and the Government had rejected demands that the terms of reference of the Commission be expanded to examine the totality of anti-Christian violence which culminated in the murder of Graham Staines. [17]

5.9 SCHEDULED CASTES AND TRIBES

5.9.1 The Constitution gives the President authority to specify historically disadvantaged castes and tribes which are entitled to affirmative action in employment and other benefits. These are known as "scheduled" tribes and castes. [2a] They include India's aboriginal inhabitants, or Adivasis, who make up some 3-7.5% of the population and who comprise nearly 200 ethnic and culturally distinct peoples who speak more than 100 languages. They are represented in Parliament but as theirs is usually a minority vote, legislation favourable to their interests can be impeded by vested interests. [21]

5.9.2 The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 specifies new offences against disadvantaged people and provides stiffer penalties for offenders. [2a]

5.9.3 The National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Tribes was established in March 1992. It serves to ensure observance of the measures taken to promote the educational and economic interests of these groups. These include reservation of seats in public services, administration, Parliament and State legislatures, and the setting up of advisory councils and separate departments for the welfare of vulnerable groups. The Commission has the powers of a civil court in investigating violations of rights guaranteed to Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Affirmative measures are also being taken for disadvantaged groups belonging to Other Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (OBCs). [6a]

5.9.4 Since independence India has pursued a policy of affirmative action quotas for Scheduled Castes and Tribes in educational institutions, public employment and political representation. Nevertheless violence against, and stigmatisation of, Scheduled Castes and Tribes remains rampant and there are an estimated 10,000 to 15,000 acts of violence against them every year. [21]

5.9.5 Other Backward Castes are a series of castes above the Scheduled Castes, but below the upper castes and constitute some 50-70% of the population. [21]

5.9.6 The practice of untouchability (the belief that contact with members of the Untouchable group would defile members of a higher caste [21]) was in theory outlawed by the Constitution and the 1955 Civil Rights Act, but it remains an aspect of life. [2a]

5.9.7 Dalits (formerly called untouchables or harijans) are a Scheduled Caste occupying the lowest layer of the Hindu caste system and form some 16% of the Indian population. Dalits are poor and exploited economically, with 90% of them living in rural areas, the overwhelming majority being marginal farmers or landless labourers. [21]

ANNEX A: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS Source: [1] & [7k]

ALL INDIA ANNA DRAVIDA MUNNETRA KAZHAGAM (All India Anna Dravidian Progressive Association)

A Tamil Nadu party, with its headquarters in Chennai (Madras). Founded in 1972 as a breakaway group from the DMK. It went into the 1998 national elections in alliance with the BJP and joined the BJP-led government afterwards. However its withdrawal of support in April 1999 led to the collapse of the government and another national election in which it is once again allied with Congress (I). Leader: Jayaram Jayalalitha, party secretary general.

Founded 1940 and has socialist aims, including nationalisation of major industries, land reform and redistribution. A minor Marxist-Leninist ally of CPI-M in West Bengal. Led by Chitta Basu.

ASOM GANA PARISHAD (AGP) (Assam People's Council)

Founded 1985. Draws support from the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad and the All Assam Student's Union.

BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY (Majority Society Party)

Formed in 1980 as the champion of scheduled castes and is strong in Uttar Pradesh, where it briefly formed the government in alliance with the BJP in 1996. Led by Kanshi Ram and Ms Mayawati.

BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY (Indian People's Party)

A Hindu nationalist party formed in 1980, which has made steady advance in North India during the 1990s. Supports economic self reliance; uniform civil code and cultural nationalism; supports exercising the option to induct nuclear weapons.

Rules the states of Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh, and is the minority partner in the coalition governments of Punjab and Maharashtra. Lost power in Delhi and Rajasthan in the State elections of November 1998.

Party president: Kushabhau Thakre (succeeded Lal Krishna Advani on 3 May 1998). Other leading personalities: A B Vajpayee (Prime Minister), L K Advani (Home Minister) and Jaswant Singh (Foreign Secretary).

Made up of almost the entire Janata Dal unit of Orissa, who formed the BJD because of neglect by the Janata Dal national leadership. An ally of the BJP. Led by Naveen Patnaik.

Founded 1925 and advocates the establishment of a socialist society led by the working class, and ultimately of a communist society. Support in Bengal, Bihar and Kerala.

General-Secretary: Ardhendu Bhushan Bardhan.

Formed in 1964 as a pro-Beijing breakaway group from the CPI. Declared its independence of Beijing in 1968. In power in West Bengal since 1977, and also in Kerala. Support also in Tripura.

General-Secretary: Harkishan Singh Surjeet.

Main leaders: Jyoti Basu (Chief Minister of West Bengal since 1977), Somnath Chatterjee (Parliamentary leader).

Party of Indian independence, then of government for 45 of the following 50 years under Nehru, his daughter Indira Gandhi and grandson Rajiv Gandhi. Ridden with corruption scandals, leadership squabbles and crumbling organisation. Had support throughout India, but suffered massive losses in the North and partially in the West in 1998 and lost the confidence of traditional voters such as Muslims and scheduled castes. Sonia Gandhi, widow of Rajiv Gandhi, took over as president of Congress (I) in March 1998, and under her leadership the party made significant gains in the 1998 State elections to take over the government of Delhi and Rajasthan and retain control of Madhya Pradesh.

Founded in 1949, was dismissed from state government of Tamil Nadu in 1991, but restored with a huge majority in 1996. Supports greater federalism; resents northern domination. Exclusive to Tamil Nadu and supported primarily by locally dominant backward castes. Led by Muthuvel Karunanidhi (Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu).

Concerned with the interests of the Muslims of Kerala. Led by Banatvala.

Headquarters in Srinagar. Formerly All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. Founded 1931, renamed 1939, reactivated 1975. A state-based party campaigning for internal autonomy and responsible self government. Accepts accession to the Indian Union. Leader: Dr Farooq Abdullah, Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.

JANATA DAL (People's Party)

Remains of the party formed in 1988 by V P Singh, former Prime Minister. Left of centre policies. Supported by minorities and some backward castes, mainly in Bihar and Karnataka. Split in August 1999 over whether the Party should campaign with the BJP-led alliance in the National Alliance in the general election. Sharad Yadav led the Janata Dal (United) into this alliance, while Deve Gowda's Janata Dal (Secular) vowed to fight alone. Main leaders: Sharad Yadav, H D Deve Gowda (former PM) and I K Gujral (former PM).

Concerned with the interests of the Christians of Kerala. Led by P C Thomas.

Muslim communal party of Hyderabad. Led by S Owaisi.

Formed in 1999 by Sharad Pawar, a senior Congress (I) leader from Maharashtra, and others expelled from Congress (I) for being unwilling to accept Sonia Gandhi, a non-Indian born citizen, as Congress' candidate for Prime Minister.

Formed in 1997 by a breakaway group of former Janata Dal MPs from Bihar. Pro Yadav casteist party. Supported by the backward Yadav caste and Muslims of Bihar. Led by Laloo Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi, the Chief Minister of Bihar. Party formed the Rashtriya Loktantrik Morcha with the Samajwadi Party in June 1998.

Formed in August 1996 by Shankersinh Vaghela, the former Chief Minister of Gujarat. [10b] It is an anti-BJP party formed after a personality clash with the BJP leadership. Has now merged with Congress (I).

Emerged from V P Singh's Janata Dal as an aggressive champion

of specific backward castes and Muslims. Supports reservations for jobs and education. Support confined to Uttar Pradesh. Led by Mulayam Singh Yadav.

Minor Marxist-Leninist party allied with CPI-M, and supported in West Bengal. Led by S K Mandal.

The one man party of Chandra Shehkar, a former Prime Minister.

A breakaway from V P Singh's Janata Dal over the corrupt ways of former Bihar Chief Minister, Laloo Prasad Yadav. Supported by backward castes mainly in Bihar and also in Uttar Pradesh. Main leaders: George Fernandes (Defence Minister) and Nitish Kumar (Railways Minister)

A moderate Sikh party, controlled by the dominant Jat Sikh farming community of Punjab. Supports greater federalism and is a strong ally of the BJP. Main leader: Prakash Singh Badal, Chief Minister of Punjab.

Founded in 1966 and based in Mumbai (Bombay). It is a pro-Maratha and pro-Hindu party. Runs a coalition in Maharashtra with the BJP since 1995. Main leaders: Balashaheb "Bal" Thackery, party president and M G Joshi, former Chief Minister of Maharashtra.

Broke away from Congress (I) in 1996 in protest against Rao's decision to fight elections with the AIADMK. Policies not otherwise distinct from Congress (I). Confined to Tamil Nadu. Leaders: P Chidambaram, A Arunachalam, G K Moopanar.

TELUGU DESAM PARTY (NAIDU) (Telugu Nation)

HQ in Hyderabad. Founded in 1982 by Telugu film star N T Rama Rao, who died in 1996. Based in Andhra Pradesh, and is supported by locally dominant middle castes. Led by Chandrababu Naidu, Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh.

Breakaway group of the Congress (I) in West Bengal. Supports the BJP government from outside. Party president: Mamta Banerjee.

Founded in 1925, the RSS is a widespread fundamentalist Hindu organisation which was banned in 1992 because of the violence following the December 1992 destruction of the Ayodhya mosque. The ban was suspended on 18 May 1993 by the Allahabad High Court and lifted on 4 June 1993 by the Unlawful Activities Tribunal. At present the RSS is said to exert considerable pressure on the BJP government to which it is said to be closely connected. In general, it aims to roll back recent reforms and modernising processes such as trade liberalisation, urbanisation and imported technologies. The RSS is also reported to be demanding control in the states where the BJP is in power, either on its own or in a coalition with others. [21]

The AISSF was founded in 1944. Its founder president was Sardar Swarup Singh. It was the first body to pass a resolution seeking the formation of a separate Sikh homeland. Its other objectives were to promote and propagate Sikhism amongst the College going Sikh students. While the AISSF sought a separate Sikh homeland, it did not fight for it until militancy erupted under Bhindranwale in 1981. From then onwards, a number of AISSF members joined the ranks of the militants. The organisation was banned between 19 March 1984 and 11 April 1985. [7b] & [4b]

Dam Dami Taksal is one of the most distinguished Sikh seminaries in India. Founded by the 10th and last guru, Gobind Singh, in the 17th Century, it is now located in a new gurdwara in a village in Gurdaspur District, some 25 miles from Amritsar. The fundamentalist militant preacher Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who was ultimately killed in Operation Bluestar, was born of a peasant family closely associated with the Taksal; he was sent there to train as a preacher, and became head priest of the Taksal in 1971.

Bhindranwale championed Sikh orthodoxy, and in particular insisted that Sikhs should bear weapons. He initially focused his attentions on the Nirankari Sikhs, whom the priests of the Golden Temple had declared enemies of the Sikh panth in 1973 because, contrary to orthodox teaching, they worshipped a living guru. There were increasingly violent clashes between orthodox Sikhs and Nirankaris from 1978 onwards. As far as can be established, Dam Dami Taksal has never itself advocated an armed struggle for an independent Sikh state. It has almost certainly never had any direct link with terrorist organisations, though its orthodox teaching may have inspired those who took up the gun. Nowadays it is a purely religious institution. [7c]

BANNED ORGANISATIONS IN INDIA Source: [28]

This list sets out the banned organisations both India-wide and in individual states.

¨ Banned by the Union Government

Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front

United Liberation front of Assam

Bodo Security Force/ National Democratic Front of Boroland

National Socialist Council of Nagaland

People's Liberation Army

People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak

Kangleipak Communist Party and the Red Army

United National Liberation Front

Kanglei Yaol Kanba Lup

All Tripura Tiger Force

National Liberation Front of Tripura

Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam

¨ Banned by Jammu and Kashmir State Government

Hizbul Mujahideen

Harkat-ul Ansar (renamed Harkat-ul-Mujahideen) [9r]

¨ Banned by Andhra Pradesh State Government

People's War Group

Radical Youth League

Ryot Coolie Sangh

Singarani Karmika Samakhya (SIKASA)

Viplava Karmika Samakhya (VIKASA)

Radical Student's Union

All India Revolutionary Students Federation

¨ Banned by Bihar State Government

Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti

Maoist Communist Centre

Lal Khandi

Sunlight Sena

Lal Sena

Lorik Sena

Bhumi Sena

Hara Sena

Kuer Sena

Brahmarshi Sena

Savarna Liberation Front

Ranvir Kisan Maha Sangh

Jan Suraksha Sahgharsh Manch

¨ Banned by Tamil Nadu State Government [10s]

Al-Ummah

Jehad Committee

Chairman of the National Conference, was sworn in as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1996 following the party's win in the state elections.

Home Minister in the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition government which took office in March 1998 and a former president of the BJP. In 1990 he led a procession of Hindu devotees to Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh, to begin the construction of a Hindu temple on the site of a disused ancient mosque. He was accused of deliberately inciting inter-communal hatred by exhorting Hindu extremists to join him in illegally tearing down the mosque. Advani was arrested along with thousands of Hindu activists.

The Ayodhya issue came to the fore again in December 1992 when the mosque was torn down by Hindu militants. Advani was again arrested along with other BJP leaders amidst the violence that followed the demolition.

Leader of Shiromani Akali Dal. Became Chief Minister of Punjab in February 1997 following the Akali Dal-BJP election victory.

A charismatic Sikh religious leader who first appeared in 1977. He preached strict fundamentalism and an armed struggle for national liberation. He was arrested following the killing of Lal Jagat Narain, editor of a pro-Hindu newspaper, in 1981. He was released immediately, but his prestige increased among young Sikhs. Sikh unrest escalated and 10,000 Sikhs barricaded themselves in the Golden Temple in Amritsar. Operation Blue Star was initiated by the Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, and the temple was besieged and shelled by the army. Thousands were killed, among them Bhindranwale.

A former Chief Minister of Karnataka, Deve Gowda was selected to lead the 13 party United Front coalition and he took office as Prime Minister in May 1996. He was forced to resign as Prime Minister in April 1997 after Congress (I) withdrew its parliamentary support for the Government.

Daughter of India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. She became Prime Minister in 1966 leading the Congress government and held office until she was defeated in the 1977 general election. She resumed office in 1980. She was assassinated in October 1984 by Sikh members of her personal guard in retaliation for the Indian Army's storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar earlier that year.

Son of Indira. He entered politics after the death of his brother Sanjay in an air crash in 1980. He was elected to his brother's constituency in 1981 and became a General Secretary of Congress (I) in 1983. He was sworn in as Prime Minister in October 1984 immediately after his mother's assassination. He led the Congress party to a decisive election victory in December 1984, but was defeated in the next elections in November 1989. On 21 May 1991 after the first day of voting in the general election, Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated by members of the Sri Lankan Tamil separatist group,the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), while campaigning in Tamil Nadu.

Italian born widow of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. She refused to become involved in politics after her husband's assassination, but was a leading figure in the Congress (I)'s 1998 general election campaign and was credited with being responsible for the party's better than expected tally of seats. She became president of Congress (I) in March 1998. She attempted, but failed, to form a Congress led government following the collapse of the BJP led government in April 1999.

Minister of External Affairs in the United Front Government, Gujral became Prime Minister on 22 April 1997, after Congress (I) reinstated its support for the UF Government providing that the former Prime Minister, Deve Gowda, was replaced. Gujral and the UF Government resigned in December 1997, when Congress (I) withdrew its support for the Government.

General Secretary of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, a Tamil Nadu party. She used to be a film actress and was Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu from 1991 to 1996, but her party was heavily defeated on grounds of large scale corruption.

The AIADMK was the largest party after the BJP in the government coalition, but the government came under growing pressure from Jayalalitha, who made a number of demands of the BJP in return for her continued support. These included the dismissal of the DMK government in Tamil Nadu. She also opposes the deal brokered by the BJP government which shares the water of the river Cauvery amongst four states. In April 1999, she withdrew support from the BJP led government, which lost a vote of confidence in parliament.

Elected President of India in July 1997, the first Dalit President. Served as Vice-President 1992-7.

Took office as Chief Minister of Punjab following the state elections of February 1992. His government pursued a counter-insurgency policy which saw normality return to Punjab. He was assassinated in August 1995 in a car bomb explosion. Babbar Khalsa claimed responsibility.

Prime Minister of India. The Bharatiya Janata Party emerged as the largest party in the Lok Sabha after the 1998 general election and he was appointed Prime Minister on 15 March 1998. His coalition government lost a vote of confidence in April 1999 and the government resigned.

Vajpayee had previously been appointed Prime Minister in May 1996 after the BJP emerged as the largest single party in the Indian Parliament after the 1996 general election. He resigned as Prime Minister on 28 May 1996 in anticipation of his government's inevitable defeat in a vote of confidence.

ANNEX C: CHRONOLOGY (Sources: [1] & [4b] unless otherwise stated)

1947

15 August: Indian gains independence as a Dominion within the Commonwealth, with Lord Mountbatten as Governor-General and Jawaharlal Nehru as Prime Minister.

26 January: India becomes a republic.

Border dispute with China escalates into brief military conflict.

Death of Nehru. Succeeded as Prime Minister by Lal Bahadur Shastri.

Second war with Pakistan over Kashmir.

Death of Shastri. Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi becomes Prime Minister.

Third war with Pakistan over Kashmir. The Indian Army occupies East Pakistan, which India recognises as Bangladesh.

Mrs Gandhi and President Bhutto of Pakistan meet in Simla and agree that their respective forces should respect the cease-fire line in Kashmir.

Mrs Gandhi declares a state of emergency after she is accused of election fraud.

General election: the Janata Party wins and Morarji Desai becomes Prime Minister.

Indira Gandhi becomes leader of a new breakaway political group, the Congress (I).

Resignation of Desai's government. Charan Singh becomes Prime Minister at the head of a Lok Dal and Congress coalition, which collapses 24 days later.

General election: Congress (I) wins and Mrs Gandhi becomes Prime Minister.

Giani Zail Singh elected Indian President, the first Sikh to hold the position.

October: Following unrest in Punjab, the state is brought under President's Rule.

19 March: The All India Sikh Student Federation is banned. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale establishes a terrorist stronghold inside the Golden Temple in Amritsar. In June Operation Blue Star is launched as the army storm the temple.

31 October: Indira Gandhi is assassinated by two of her Sikh bodyguards. Anti-Sikh riots break out. Indira's son, Rajiv Gandhi is appointed Prime Minister.

December: Congress (I) win the general election with an overwhelming victory.

11 April: the ban on the AISSF is lifted.

September: The Akali Dal win elections to the Punjab State Assembly and President's Rule is lifted.

The Congress Government encounter political setbacks including defeats in state elections, an open dispute between the Prime Minister and the President, and accusations of corruption and financial irregularities against senior Congress figures, including the Bofors affair.

11 May: The Punjab State Assembly is suspended and President's Rule is imposed.

October: Formation of the Jan Morcha by V P Singh and other Congress (I) dissidents.

May: Operation Black Thunder - Punjab police and Indian paramilitary forces besiege the Golden Temple in Amritsar.

Formation of Janata Dal to oppose Congress at forthcoming elections.

November: general election in which Congress loses its majority. V P Singh is appointed Prime Minister of a National Front coalition with the support of the BJP.

October: The BJP withdraws support for the government, following the arrest of the BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani as he led a procession of Hindus to Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh to begin the construction of a temple on the site of an ancient mosque. Clashes between police and crowds and Hindu extremists storm and damage the mosque.

November: Chandra Shekhar forms his own dissident faction called the Janata Dal (S). The Government loses a vote of confidence in Parliament and V P Singh resigned. Chandra Shekhar appointed Prime Minister at the head of a minority government with Congress (I) support.

March: Chandra Shekhar resigns as Prime Minister

May: General election held, but on 21 May, after the first day's polling, Rajiv Gandhi is assassinated by members of the Sri Lankan militant group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Congress emerge as the largest party and form a government with P V Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister.

February: State Assembly elections in Punjab won by Congress (I), but there is a low turn out of the electorate. President's Rule lifted. Municipal elections held in September with a greatly increased turnout.

The Congress candidate, Dr Shankar Dayal Sharma is elected President of India.

6 December: demolition of the Babri Masjid, the ancient mosque in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, by Hindu mobs. This sparks off widespread communal violence throughout India with Mumbai (Bombay) one of the worst affected areas. BJP leaders arrested, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister resigns and the state is placed under President's Rule, as were three other states also under BJP control. Five communal organisations are also banned.

January: Resurgence of communal violence in Mumbai and in Ahmedabad in Gujarat.

February: Thousands of BJP activists are arrested throughout India to prevent a mass rally taking place in New Delhi.

March: Bomb explosions in Mumbai.

31 August: Assassination of the Chief Minister of Punjab, Beant Singh. Babbar Khalsa claim responsibility. Harchan Singh Brar appointed Chief Minister.

Accusations of corruption come to the fore with leading politicians allegedly receiving bribes from the industrialist Surendra Jain (Hawala scandal). The Prime Minister is also accused of involvement which he denied.

April/May: General election. No party gains an overall majority, but the BJP emerge as the largest party. On 15 May Atal Bihari Vajpayee of the BJP forms a government, but resigns on 28 May. On 1 June H D Deve Gowda is appointed Prime Minister at the head of United Front coalition of 13 parties, supported by Congress (I).

30 March: Congress (I) withdraws support for the United Front Government. The crisis is resolved by the resignation of the Prime Minister, Deve Gowda, and the appointment of the External Affairs Minister, Inder Kumar Gujral, as Prime Minister on 21 April.

July: K R Narayanan elected President of India, the country's first president from an "untouchable" caste.

November: Congress (I) demand the withdrawal of the DMK from the Government, following allegations of its involvement in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. The Government refuses, and Congress withdraws its support.

4 December: Parliament dissolved. Gujral heads a caretaker government until the general election is held.

February/March: General election. No party wins a majority, but the BJP emerges as the largest party and Atal Bihari Vajpayee forms a government in coalition with 17 other parties. The government wins a confidence vote on 28 March. [5b]

May: Tension rises between India and Pakistan as India conducts five underground nuclear tests, and Pakistan conducts six tests. [5c]

November: the BJP suffers defeats in the State elections in Delhi and Rajasthan, and fails to dislodge Congress (I) from control of Madhya Pradesh.

December: escalation of violence against the Christian minority in Gujarat.

April: The AIADMK withdraws support from the Government coalition, which resigns after losing a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha. The President dissolves Parliament and calls an election. This is scheduled for September and October 1999.

[1] The Europa World Yearbook, 1998 Volume 1

[2] US Department of State, Report on Human Rights Practices

(a) 1998 report issued on 26 February 1999

[3] Amnesty International

(a) Human rights violations in Punjab: use and abuse of the law, May 1991

(b) India: Punjab police: beyond the bounds of the law, May 1995

(c) India: Submission to the Human Rights Committee concerning implementation of articles of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, July 1997

(d) India: Submission to the Advisory Committee established to review provisions of the Protection of Human Rights Act 1993, October 1998

(e) News Release ASA 20/3/99; 25 January 1999: India - Religious violence reaches unacceptable levels.

(f) "If They Are Dead Tell Us" – Disappearances in Jammu and Kashmir, February 1999

(g) India: A vital opportunity to end impunity in Punjab, August 1999

[4] Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Ottawa, Canada

(a) The Punjab, April 1990

(b) Extract from India: Country Profile, Chronology, April 1990

(c) India: Sikhs outside Punjab, December 1992

(d) India: Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir, March 1995

(e) Women in India, September 1995

(f) India: Information from four specialists on the Punjab, 17 February 1997

(g) IND29756.E India: Follow up to Information Request IND29640.E of 30 June 1998 on any pressure exerted by Sikh militants on the local population in Punjab to provide food, shelter, money and transportation, 8 July 1998

(h) IND27112.EX India: Information from three human rights workers and one human rights lawyer from Punjab, 4 June 1997

(i) IND30757.E India: Freedom of movement, in particular, the ability to relocate from Punjab to other parts of India, 12 January 1999

[5] Keesing's Record of World Events

(a) India: December 1992

(b) India: March 1998

(c) India: May 1998

(d) India: May 1999

[6] United Nations

(a) United Nations Human Rights Committee, Third periodic reports of States parties due in 1992: India, 17 July 1996 CCPR/C/76/Add.6 (State Party Report)

(b) United Nations Economic and Social Council, Commission on Human Rights, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance, E/CN.4/1997/91/Add.1 14 February 1997.

(c) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Concluding Observations of the Human Rights Committee: India, 4 August 1997, CCPR/C/79/Add.81

(d) Economic and Social Council, Commission on Human Rights, Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, 12 January 1998, E/CN.4/1998/43

[7] Advice from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office

(a) 21 August 1992

(b) 27 June 1996

(c) 29 April 1996

(d) undated

(f) 29 January, 1 February, 20 March, 25 March 1996

(j) India: Political Developments, September 1997

(k) India's Political Parties, July 1998

[8] Reuters News Service

(a) Ally quits Indian coalition, sees new government: 14 April 1999; India's president asks PM to seek confidence vote: 14 April 1999; President accepts PM Vajpayee's resignation: 17 April 1999; India president disbands parliament for early poll: 26 April 1999

(b) Pakistan, India agree Kashmir pullout plan: 12 July 1999

(c) Kashmir infiltrators presumed gone - India: 17 July 1999

(d) Militants kill 19 in Kashmir attacks: 20 July 1999

(e) India report says no group behind missionary death: 6 August 1999

(f) India court indicts 49 over 1992 mosque demolition: 9 September 1997

(g) Bomb kills 12, injures 37 in India sleeper train: 2 December 1996

(h) Bomb kills 7 in India's Punjab state: 14 March 1997

(i) Two killed, over 35 injured as Kashmir vote ends: 30 May 1996

(j) Indian officials call Kashmir polls a victory: 7 September 1996

(k) Record candidates in first phase of Kashmir polls: 5 September 1996

(m) Four killed in Kashmir poll violence; Scattered violence, border firing as Kashmir votes; Kashmiri separatists detained as polling starts: 7 September 1996

(p) Kashmir leader sworn in, separatists vow to fight on: 9 October 1996

(r) Jammu and Kashmir forms human rights panel: 7 January 1997

(s) India Kashmir sets up body to vet rights abuses: 8 August 1997

(z) India Hindu rulers face fresh attack on temple row: 8 June 1998; Indian politics in knots over temple, 5 July 1998; India Hindu group will ignore court, build temple: 7 July 1998

[9] Reuters News Service

(a) India voters deliver harsh verdict on BJP: 29 November 1998

(b) India rocked by attacks on Christians: 24 January 1999

(c) Profile of India's Jammu and Kashmir state: 7 September 1996

(e) India Hindu party wins parliament seat in Kashmir: 18 April 1998

(f) Eight killed in India religious violence: 1 January 1999

(g) Indian PM condemns attacks on Christian minority: 5 December 1998

(h) No war, no peace on Kashmir control line: 17 July 1998

(i) Calm returns to Indo-Pakistani border after firing: 1 July 1998

(j) Terror grips Christians in Western India: 4 January 1999

(l) Indian church to carry on despite attacks: 3 January 1999

(m) India pledges to protect Christians: 4 January 1999

(n) Hindu activists held in India for Christian attack: 26 January 1999; Hindu activists attack pastors in Southern India: 3 February 1999

(p) India Hindus deny hand in missionary murder: 27 January 1999

(q) Fierce gun battle leaves six dead in Kashmir: 12 February 1999

(r) Kashmir group accused of terrorism changes name: 11 June 1998

[10] BBC Monitoring Service

(a) Further enquiry into Australian missionary killings in Orissa, 24 February 1999

(b) Gujarat Government in deep crisis, 21 August 1996; Expelled BJP leader forms new party in Gujarat, 22 August 1996

(c) Punjab: Assassinated Beant Singh replaced by interim governor: 2 September 1995; Punjab Police Chief - investigation into killing of chief minister still inconclusive: 14 September 1995

(d) Hindu, Sikh parties win Punjab elections: 11 February 1997, Prakash Singh Badal sworn as chief minister of Punjab: 13 February 1997

(f) At least 33 people feared dead following train bombing: 10 July 1997

(g) Janata Dal party wins last seat in 1996 election: 6 June 1996

(k) Human rights legislation establishes commission, courts: 2 May 1997

(n) Indian colonel killed by Pakistani firing across Line of Control: 19 July 1998

(q) Human rights body reports sharp rise in civil liberty violation cases: 24 June 1998

(r) Government rejects rights commission's recommendations on armed forces: 9 July 1998

(s) Two Muslim groups banned after bomb blasts: 16 February 1998

[11] India Today

(a) How India Voted, 31 May 1996

(e) Normal Life at Last, 28 February 1993

A Capital Return, 30 April 1993

Back in Business, 31 March 1994

(f) Haunted by the Past, 9 June 1997

(g) A Shocking Setback, 31 May 1995

(k) Scuttling the Bill, 27 July 1998

[12] The Chandigarh Tribune

(a) Rights Commission seeks more powers: 8 August 1998

(b) "Notices" issued to police officials: 10 August 1998

(c) Panel concludes hearing: 11 August 1998

(d) Mass cremations: SC upholds NHRC probe: 14 September 1998

(e) No People's panel sitting on 28 November: 19 November 1998

[13] The Times of India

(a) Punjab told to seek centre's nod before trying policemen: 3 September 1997

[14] The Hindustan Times

(a) Blasts fail to disrupt polling in Kashmir: 8 March 1998

(b) LS results in J-K a warning to NC: 11 March 1998

[15] The Sunday Telegraph

(a) Indian villages torn by religious hate: 17 January 1999

[16] Economist Intelligence Unit

(a) EIU Country View, 14 July 1998

[17] Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Press Release 12 August 1999: Christian leaders express dismay over Indian Government's inaction.

[18] South East Asia Straits Times

(a) Punjab's Progress, 2 March 1997

[19] Dr Cynthia Keppley Mahmood PhD, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Maine.

(a) 11 May 1998

(b) 28 April 1998

(c) 5 May 1997

(d) 1 September 1998

[20] Disappearances in Punjab and the Impunity of the Indian State, A Report on Current Human Rights Efforts, Ram Narayan Kumar and Cynthia Mahmood, 1 October 1998

[21] Background Paper on Refugees and Asylum Seekers from India, UNHCR Centre for Documentation and Research, Geneva, October 1998

[22] Punjab in Crisis, Human Rights in India, Asia Watch, August 1991

[23] Kashmir Information Network, Kashmir Terrorism Bulletin (http://www.kashmir-information.com)

[24] Members of the XII Lok Sabha, Government of India Web-site (http://alfa.nic.in/lok12/121sparty.htm)

[25] Information on the legal position regarding homosexuals and popular attitudes towards homosexuals, Refugee Legal Centre. Source: UNHCR REFWORLD.

[26] Human Rights Watch, World Report 1999: India

[27] Rajya Sabha, Unstarred Question No. 329, 23 February 1994

[28] Lok Sabha, Unstarred Question No. 3200, 12 August 1997

[29] Kashmir in the Crossfire, Victoria Schofield (I B Tauris, 1996) pages 268-70

[30] Lives under threat: a study of Sikhs coming to the UK from the Punjab, Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, October 1996

[31] Hindi: The language of songs (http://www.cs.colostate.edu/malaiya/hindiint.html)